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Publications of the 
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 

Division of International Law 
Washington 



DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF THE 
UNITED STATES 

INTER-AMERICAN AFFAIRS 
1831-1860 



DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE 
OF THE UNITED STATES 

INTER-AMERICAN AFFAIRS 

1831-1860 ~K- 7,7,7 C- 



SELECTED AND ARRANGED BY 

WILLIAM R. MANNING, PH.D. 

Division of Latin American Affairs 
Department of State 

Editor of DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF THE UNITED 

STATES CONCERNING THE INDEPENDENCE OF 

THE LATIN AMERICAN NATIONS, 

to which this is 

a sequel 



VOLUME II 
BOLIVIA AND BRAZIL 

DOCUMENTS 388-722 



CARNEGIE END^W^T FOR I^C^K^'ATIONAL 'P-A jfc , 
TOOL JACKSON PLACE"; N. Sv. ' *>* 

vv"" 1932 



COPYRIGHT 1932 
BY THE 

CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE 



PRINTED IN" .THE ilNITED STATED*; AMERICA 
AT THE RUMFORD PRESS, CONCORD," N. H. 



PREFACE 

All observations made in the general preface contained in the first volume 
of this publication, excepting its penultimate paragraph, apply equally to 
this volume. Besides stating that the present volume contains those com- 
munications to and from Bolivia and Brazil, which fall within the scope of 
the publication as delimited in the general preface, a few prefatory remarks 
appear necessary. 

Diplomatic relations between the United States and Bolivia were not 
regularly opened until 1848, when the former established a legation at the 
capital of the latter. Among the communications from Bolivia there is 
indeed one document dated March 16, 1837; but that one, it will be ob- 
served, responded to the credential letter of a charge d'affaires, accredited 
to Perii, who arrived there after the formation of the relatively ephemeral 
Perti-Bolivian Confederation, the chief executive of which was, theoretically 
at least, the President of Bolivia. No Bolivian legation was established in 
the United States during the period covered by the present publication. 
Because of this one-sided character of the diplomatic intercourse between 
the two countries, and which was carried on for only a little more than a 
third of the period to which the publication is devoted, and, perhaps chiefly, 
because of the relatively isolated location and limited commercial activity 
of Bolivia, which rendered frequent diplomatic exchanges at once less 
important and more difficult, the bulk of diplomatic correspondence between 
the United States and Bolivia, especially of documents properly falling 
within the scope of the collection, is not very great. 

Between Brazil and the United States a larger volume of pertinent 
correspondence was handled. Each country maintained a legation at the 
capital of the other, practically continuously during the three decades. In 
other respects, too, international intercourse was more nearly normal than 
in the case of Bolivia. Furthermore, in the conception of the officials at 
Washington, Brazil was, then, the most important country in South Amer- 
ica; and the U. S. minister, accredited to the government of that country, 
was expected to keep his eye on the other countries of the continent, espe- 
cially those on or near its eastern coast, and to report any facts of importance, 
regarding them, which might come to his attention. Most of the various 
occupants of the post made many such reports. Occasionally, the head of 
this mission was associated with the head of the mission at Buenos Aires to 
assist in the conduct of supposedly important negotiations there, or in 
Uruguay, or Paraguay. The mission of the United States at Rio de Janeiro 
and the Brazilian mission in Washington were also the channels through 
which some of the few diplomatic communications from Paraguay, and the 



viii PREFACE 

still fewer from Uruguay, reached the United States, since no regular 
diplomatic relations with those countries existed during the period covered 
by this publication, although the special agents and commissions, sent to 
Paraguay, supplied enough pertinent correspondence to justify publishing 
it under the separate designations, communications to and communications 
from that country, as parts of a subsequent volume. 

WILLIAM R. MANNING. 
December, 1929. 



CONTENTS 

VOLUME II 

PAGE 

PART I. Communications to Bolivia 3 

PART II. Communications from Bolivia 13 

PART III. Communications to Brazil 117 

PART IV. Communications from Brazil 187 



LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 
PART I. COMMUNICATIONS TO BOLIVIA 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


388 


James Buchanan, Sec. 
of State 


John Appleton, U. S. 
Charge d'Aff aires at 
Sucre 


June i, 1848 


3 


389 


Daniel Webster, Sec. of 
State 


Horace H. Miller, U. S. 
Charge d' Affaires at 
Sucre 


June II, 1852 


6 


390 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 
of State 


John W. Dana, U. S. 
Charge d' Affaires at 
Sucre 


Nov. I, 1853 


7 


39i 


Same 


John W. Dana, U. S, 
Minister Resident in 
Bolivia 


Oct. 18, 1854 


8 


392 


Lewis Cass, Sec. of 
State 


Same 


July I, 1857 


9 


393 

394 


Same 
Same 


Same 

Col. Juan Ondarza, 
Commissioner from 
Bolivia 


Aug. 19, 1858 
May 5, 1859 


9 
10 



PART II. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


395 


Jose M. Loza, Secretary- 
General to the Presi- 
dent of the Peru-Bo- 
livian Confederation 


John Forsyth, Sec. of 
State 


March 16, 1837 


13 


396 


John Appleton, U. S. 
Charge d' Affaires at 
Sucre 


James Buchanan, Sec. of 
State 


Dec. 13, 1848 


14 


397 


John Appleton, Ex- 
Charge" d' Affaires of 
the U. S. at Sucre 


John M. Clayton, Sec. of 
State 


June 28, 1849 


16 


398 


Alexander K. McClung, 
U. S. Charge d'Af- 
faires at Chuquisaca 


Same 


Aug. 24, 1850 


17 


399 


Horace H. Miller, U.S. 
Charge d' Affaires at 
La Paz 


Edward Everett, Sec. of 
State 


Dec. 25, 1852 


19 


400 


Same 


Same 


Jan. 29, 1853 


20 


401 


Rafael Bustillo, Min- 
ister of Foreign 
Affairs of Bolivia 


Same 


Feb. 20, 1853 


22 



xii LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 

PART II. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA (Continued) 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


402 


John W. Dana, U. S. 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 


Feb. 20, 1854 


23 




Charge d'Affaires at 


of State 








La Paz 








403 


Same 


Same 


March 3, 1854 


25 


404 


Same 


Same 


April 15, 1854 


28 


405 


Same 


Same 


Aug. 29, 1854 


28 


406 


Same 


Rafael Bustillo, Minis- 


Sept. 6, 1854 


30 






ter of Foreign Affairs 










of Bolivia 






407 


John W. Dana, U. S. 
Minister Resident 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 
of State 


Sept. 13, 1854 


32 




in Bolivia 








408 


Same 


Same 


Aug. 28, 1855 


34 


409 


Same 


The Minister of Foreign 
Affairs of Bolivia 


Sept. 19, 1855 


34 


410 


Same 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 


Sept. 26, 1855 


37 






of State 






411 


Same 


Same 


Dec. i, 1855 


39 


412 


Same 


Same 


Dec. 5, 1855 


40 


413 


Same 


Juan de la Cruz Bena- 


Oct. 17, 1856 


41 






vente, Minister of 










Foreign Affairs of 










Bolivia 






414 


Same 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 


Oct. 24, 1856 


42 






of State 






415 


Same 


Same 


Oct. 25, 1856 


44 


416 


Same 


Juan de la Cruz Bena- 
vente, Minister of 


Nov. 15, 1856 


45 






Foreign Affairs of 










Bolivia 






417 


Same 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 


Nov. 24, 1856 


47 






of State 






418 


Same 


Juan de la Cruz Bena- 


Feb. 27, 1857 


48 






vente, Minister of 










Foreign Affairs of 










Bolivia 






419 


Same 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 


Feb. 28, 1857 


59 






of State 






420 


Same 


Lewis Cass, Sec. of State 


March 13, 1857 


64 


421 


Same 


Same 


March 13, 1857 


66 


422 


Same 


Same 


March 25, 1857 


67 


423 


Same 


Same 


March 29, 1857 


77 


424 


Same 


Same 


April 12, 1857 


78 


425 


Same 


Same 


May 14, 1857 


80 



LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 

PART 1 1. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA (Continued) 



Xlll 



Doc. 

No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


426 


John W. Dana, U. S. 
Minister Resident 


Juan de la Cruz Bena- 
vente, Minister of 


July 27, 1857 


82 




in Bolivia 


Foreign Affairs of 










Bolivia 






427 


Same 


Lewis Cass, Sec. of State 


July 27, 1857 


83 


428 


Juan de la Cruz Bena- 
vente, Minister of 


John W. Dana, U. S. 
Minister Resident in 


Aug. 18, 1857 


84 




Foreign Affairs of 


Bolivia 








Bolivia 








429 


John W. Dana, U. S. 
Minister Resident in 


Lewis Cass, Sec. of State 


Aug. 28, 1857 


85 




Bolivia 








430 


Same 


Same 


Aug. 28, 1857 


87 


431 


Same 


Juan de la Cruz Bena- 


Sept. 3, 1857 


88 






vente, Minister of 










Foreign Affairs of 










Bolivia 






432 


Same 


Lewis Cass, Sec. of State 


Sept. 12, 1857 


90 


433 


Same 


Jose Maria Linares, 
President of Bolivia 


Nov. 10, 1857 


91 


434 


Same 


Lewis Cass, Sec. of State 


Nov. 12, 1857 


92 


435 


Ruperto Fernandez, 
Minister of Foreign 


John W. Dana, U.S. 
Minister Resident in 


Nov. 16, 1857 


93 




Affairs of Bolivia 


Bolivia 






436 


John W. Dana, U. S, 
Minister Resident 


Lewis Cass, Sec. of State 


Nov. 28, 1857 


94 




in Bolivia 








437 


Same 


Same 


Feb. 24, 1858 


95 


438 


Same 


Lucas M. de la Tapia, 
Minister of Foreign 


March 6, 1858 


97 






Affairs of Bolivia 






439 


Lucas M. de la Tapia, 
Minister of Foreign 


John W. Dana, U. S. 
Minister Resident in 


March 9, 1858 


97 




Affairs of Bolivia 


Bolivia 






440 


John W. Dana, U. S. 
Minister Resident 


Lewis Cass, Sec. of State 


March 13, 1858 


98 




in Bolivia 








441 


Same 


Same 


May 13, 1858 


102 


442 


Same 


Same 


May 13, 1858 


103 


443 


Same 


Same 


May 28, 1858 


103 


444 


Same 


Same 


June 13, 1858 


105 


445 


Same 


Lucas M. de la Tapia, 


Oct. 3, 1858 


106 






Minister of Foreign 










Affairs of Bolivia 






446 


Same 


Lewis Cass, Sec, of State 


Oct. 12, 1858 


107 


447 


Same 


Same 


Oct. 26, 1858 


108 



xiv LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 

PART II. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA (Continued] 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


448 


John W. Dana, U. S. 
Minister Resident 
in Bolivia 


Lewis Cass, Sec. of State 


Dec. 10, 1858 


109 


449 


Same 


Same 


Dec. 27, 1858 


109 


450 


John C. Smith, U. S. 
Minister Resident 
in Bolivia 


Same 


July 13, 1859 


1 10 


451 


Same 


Same 


Oct. 13, 1859 


in 


452 


Same 


Same 


June i, 1860 


in 


453 


Same 


Same 


Dec. 15, 1860 


112 



PART III. COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


454 


Edward Livingston, 
Sec. of State 


Ethan A. Brown, U. S. 
Charge d 'Affaires at 
Rio de Janeiro 


June 1 6, 1831 


117 


455 


John Forsyth, Sec. 
of State 


William Hunter, U. S. 
Charge d'Affaires at 
Rio de Janeiro 


Sept. 17, 1834 


118 


456 


Same 


Same 


Nov. 15, 1834 


119 


457 


Same 


Jose F. da P. Cavalcanti 
de Albuquerque, Bra- 
zilian Charge d'Affaires 
at Washington 


Dec. n, 1834 


119 


458 


Same 


W 7 illiam Hunter, U. S. 
Charge d'Affaires at 
Rio de Janeiro 


Nov. 29, 1836 


120 


459 


Abel P. Upshur, Sec. 
of State 


George H. Promt, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Aug. i, 1843 


122 


460 


John C. Calhoun, Sec. 
of State 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


May 25, 1844 


126 


461 
462 


Same 

Nicholas P. Trist, 
Acting Sec. of State 


Same 
Same 


Jan. 20, 1845 
April 4, 1846 


128 
129 


463 


James Buchanan, Sec. 
of State 


Same 


May 14, 1846 


130 


464 


Same 


Caspar^ Jose de Lisboa, 
Brazilian Minister to 
the U. S. 


Feb. 2, 1847 


130 


465 


Same 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 
. Minister to Brazil 


Feb. 2, 1847 


131 


466 


Same 


Same 


March 29, 1847 


132 



LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 

PART III. COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL (Continued) 



xv 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


467 


James Buchanan, Sec. 
of State 


David Tod, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


June n, 1847 


136 


468 


Same 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


June 12, 1847 


138 


469 


Same 


David Tod, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


July 24, 1847 


139 


470 


James K. Polk, 
President of the U.S. 


Dom Pedro II, 
Emperor of Brazil 


July 22, 1847 


139 


471 


James Buchanan, Sec. 
of State 


Felippe Jose P. Leal, 
Brazilian Charge 
d' Affaires ad interim 
at Washington 


Aug. 30, 1847 


140 


472 


Same 


David Tod, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Aug. 31, 1847 


153 


473 


Same 


Felippe Jose P. Leal, 
Brazilian Charge 
d' Affaires ad interim 
at Washington 


Nov. 15, 1847 


156 


474 


Same 


Same 


Nov. 17, 1847 


158 


475 


Same 


David Tod, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Nov. 22, 1847 


159 


476 


John M. Clayton, Sec. 
of State 


Sergio T. de Macedo, 
Brazilian Minister to 
the U. S. 


April n, 1849 


160 


477 


Same 


David Tod, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


April 4, 1850 


161 


473 


Daniel Webster, Sec. 
of State 


Sergio T. de Macedo, 
Brazilian Minister to 
the U. S. 


May 7, 1851 


162 


479 


Same 


Robert C. Schenck, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


May 8, 1851 


163 


480 


John J. Crittenden, 
Acting Sec. of State 


Same 


Oct. 25, 1851 


164 


481 


Daniel Webster, Sec. 
of State 


Same 


April 29, 1852 


166 


482 


Same 


Same 


April 29, 1852 


168 


483 


William L. Marcy, 
Sec. of State 


Francisco de Carvalho 
Moreira, Brazilian 
Minister to the U. S. 


April 20, 1853 


168 


484 


Same 


William Trousdale, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Aug. 8, 1853 


170 


485 


Same 


Francisco de Carvalho 
Moreira, Brazilian 
Minister to the U. S. 


Sept. 22, 1853 


172 


486 


Same 


Same 


Dec. i, 1853 


174 


487 


Same 


Same 


Jan. 25, 1854 


175 



Xvi LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 

PART III. COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL (Continued) 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


488 


William L. Marcy, 
Sec. of State 


William Trousdale, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


May 26, 1854 


175 


489 


Same 


Francisco de Caryalho 
Moreira, Brazilian 
Minister to the U. S. 


Nov. 16, 1854 


176 


490 


Same 


William Trousdale, 4 U.S. 
Minister to Brazil 


April 26, 1855 


177 


491 


Same 


Aguiar de Andrada, 
Brazilian Charge 
d'Affaires ad interim 
at Washington 


April 8, 1856 


178 


492 


Same 


Same 


April 30, 1856 


178 


493 


Same 


William Trousdale, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


July 14, 1856 


179 


494 


Lewis Cass, Sec. of 
State 


Richard K. Meade, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Sept. 15, 1857 


179 


495 


Same 


Same 


Sept. i, 1858 


181 


496 


Same 


Same 


June 25, 1859 


183 



PART IV. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


497 


Ethan A. Brown, U. S. 
Charge d'Affaires at 
Rio de Janeiro 


Martin Van Buren, Sec. 
of State 


March 19, 1831 


187 


498 


Same 


Same 


April 7, 1831 


187 


499 


Same 


Edward Livingston, Sec. 
of State 


Oct. 12, 1831 


189 


500 


Same 


Same 


Nov. 14, 1831 


190 


501 


Same 


Same 


Nov. 30, 1831 


192 


502 


Same 


Same 


Jan. 17, 1832 


193 


503 


Same 


Same 


March 27, 1832 


194 


504 


Same 


Same 


Aug. I, 1832 


195 


505 


Same 


Same 


Jan. 18, 1833 


196 


506 


Same 


Same 


May 6, 1833 


196 


507 


Same 


Same 


June 7, 1833 


197 


508 


Bento da Silva Lisboa, 
Minister of Foreign 
Affairs of Brazil 


Ethan A. Brown, U. S. 
Charge d'Affaires at 
Rio de Janeiro 


June 7, 1833 


198 


509 


Same 


Same 


June 8, 1833 


199 



LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 

PART IV. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL (Continued) 



XVll 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


510 


Ethan A. Brown, U. S. 


sd ward Livingston, 


une 25, 1833 


200 




Charge d'Affaires at 


Sec. of State 








Rio de Janeiro 


' 






511 


Same 


Same 


July 13, 1833 


201 


512 


Same 


-ouis McLane, Sec. of 


Sept. 28, 1833 


203 






State 






513 


Same 


Same 


Xov. 5, 1833 


203 


514 


Same 


Same 


Dec. 13, 1833 


204 


515 


Bento da Silva Lisboa, 


Ethan A. Brown, U. S. 


Dec. 16, 1833 


205 




Minister of Foreign 


Charge d'Affaires at 








Affairs of Brazil 


Rio de Janeiro 






5i6 


Ethan A. Brown, U. S, 


Bento da Silya Lisboa, 


Dec. 16, 1833 


205 


O* v 


Charge d'Affaires at 


Minister of Foreign 








Rio de Janeiro 


Affairs of Brazil 






517 


Same 


Louis McLane, Sec. of 


Dec. 17, 1833 


206 






State 






518 


Same 


Same 


Jan. 18, 1834 


207 


519 


Same 


Same 


Feb. 28, 1834 


208 


52O 


William Hunter, U. S. 


John Forsyth, Sec. of 


March 28, 1835 


210 




Charge d'Affaires at 


State 








Rio de Janeiro 








521 


Same 


Same 


April 28, 1835 


211 


522 


Same 


Same 


Oct. 12, 1835 


211 


523 


Same 


Same 


June 4, 1836 


212 


525 


Same 


Same 


Jan. 31, 1837 


213 


525 


Same 


Same 


Feb. 10, 1837 


215 


526 


Same 


Same 


March 23, 1837 


216 


527 


Same 


Same 


July 29, 1837 


217 


528 


Same 


Same 


Aug. 29, 1837 


218 


529 


Same 


Same 


Sept. 25, 1837 


218 


530 


Same 


Same 


Nov. 1 8, 1837 


219 


53 r 


Same 


Same 


Dec. 16, 1837 


220 


532 


Same 


Same 


Jan. 16, 1838 


222 


533 


Same 


Same 


March 28, 1838 


222 


534 


Same 


Same 


April 16, 1838 


223 


535 


Same 


Same 


May 4, 1838 


225 


536 


Same 


Same 


May 15, 1838 


228 


537 


Same 


Same 


May 27, 1838 


228 


538 


Same 


Same 


Sept. 12, 1838 


230 


539 


Same 


Same 


Feb. 2, 1839 


231 


540 


Same 


Same 


April 16, 1839 


232 



XV1H LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 

PART IV. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL (Continued} 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


541 


William Hunter, U. S. 
Charge d 'Affaires at 


John Forsyth, Sec. of 
State 


April 29, 1839 


233 




Rio de Janeiro 








542 


Same 


Same 


June 3, 1839 


234 


543 


Same 


Same 


Aug. 12, 1839 


235 


544 


Same 


Same 


Aug. 29, 1839 


236 


545 


Same 


Same 


Nov. 25, 1839 


237 


546 


Same 


Same 


Dec. 29, 1839 


240 


547 


Same 


Same 


Jan. 30, 1840 


242 


548 


Same 


Same 


Feb. 27, 1840 


243 


549 


Same 


Same 


April 29, 1840 


244 


550 


Same 


Same 


July 31, 1840 


245 


551 


Same 


Same 


NoV. 26, 1840 


245 


552 


Same 


Same 


April 21, 1841 


245 


553 


Same 


Daniel Webster, Sec. 


Oct. 26, 1841 


246 






of State 






554 


Same 


Same 


Jan. 14, 1842 


247 


555 


Same 


Same 


May 25, 1842 


248 


556 


Same 


Same 


Nov. 8, 1842 


250 


557 


Same 


Same 


Dec. 9, 1842 


251 


558 


Same 


Same 


Jan. 31, 1843 


252 


559 


Same 


Same 


March 31, 1843 


253 


56o 


Same 


John Tyler, President 


May 13, 1843 


254 






of the U. S. 






56i 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


John C. Calhoun, Sec. 
of State 


Aug. 14, 1844 


255 


562 


Same 


Ernesto F. Franca, 
Minister of Foreign 


Sept. 24, 1844 


256 






Affairs of Brazil 






563 


Same 


John C. Calhoun, Sec. 


Oct. n, 1844 


267 






of State 






564 


Same 


Same 


Oct. n, 1844 


268 


565 


Same 


Same 


Nov. i, 1844 


269 


566 


Same 


Same 


Nov. 13, 1844 


271 


567 


Same 


Same 


Dec. 14, 1844 


272 


568 


Same 


Same 


Jan. 12, 1845 


272 


569 


Same 


Same 


Feb. 25, 1845 


273 


570 


Same 


James Buchanan, Sec. 
of State 


March 28, 1845 


275 


571 


Same 


Same 


May i, 1845 


276 


572 


Same 


Same 


May 2, 1845 


276 



LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 



XIX 



PART IV. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL (Continued) 



Doc. 

No. 


From 


To Date 


Page 


573 


Henry A. Wise, U.S. 
Minister to Brazil 


i 

James Buchanan, Sec. 
of State 


May 19, 1845 


280 


574 


Same 


Same 

! 


June 30, 1845 


282 


575 


Same 


Same 


July 2, 1845 


283 


576 


Same 


Same 


July 31, 1845 


283 


577 


Same 


Same 


Aug. 8, 1845 


295 


578 


Same 


Same 


Aug. 24, 1845 


296 


579 


Same 


Same 


Aug. 27, 1845 


298 


580 


Same 


Antonio Paulino L. de 


Sept. 3, 1845 


302 






Abreu, Minister of For- 










eign Affairs of Brazil 






58i 


Same 


James Buchanan, Sec. 


Sept. 6, 1845 


303 






of State 






582 


Gen. Tomas Guido, 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 


Sept. 14, 1845 


307 




Argentine Minister 


Minister to Brazil 








to Brazil 








583 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


James Buchanan, Sec. 
of State 


Sept. 26, 1845 


308 


584 


Same 


Same 


Nov. 24, 1845 


310 


585 


Same 


Same 


Dec. 16, 1845 


3ii 


586 


Same 


Same 


Dec. 23, 1845 


313 


587 


Same 


Same 


Jan. ir, 1846 


315 


588 


Gaspar Jose de Lisboa, 


Same 


Feb. 16, 1846 


316 




Brazilian Minister to 










the U. S. 








589 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 


Same 


Feb. 18, 1846 


318 




Minister to Brazil 








590 


Same 


Same 


March 6, 1846 


321 


591 


Same 


Same 


March 13, 1846 


322 


592 


Same 


Same 


April 14, 1846 


325 


593 


Same 


Same 


April 29, 1846 


331 


594 


Same 


Same 


June 19, 1846 


34i 


595 


Same 


Barao de Cayru, 
Minister of Foreign 


July i, 1846 


351 






Affairs of Brazil 






59^ 


Same 


James Buchanan, Sec. 


Aug. 8, 1846 


354 






of State 






597 


Same 


Same 


Sept. 12, 1846 


355 


598 


Same 


Same 


Sept. 29, 1846 


356 


599 


Same 


Same 


Oct. 31, 1846 


357 


600 


Same 


Barao de Cayru, 


Nov. 2, 1846 


357 






Minister of Foreign 










Affairs of Brazil 







XX LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 

PART IV. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL (Continued) 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


601 


Barao de Cayru, 
Minister of Foreign 
Affairs of Brazil 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Nov. 2, 1846 


359 


602 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Barao de Cayru, 
Minister of Foreign 
Affairs of Brazil 


Nov. 2, 1846 


360 


603 


Barao de Cayru, 
Minister of Foreign 
Affairs of Brazil 


Henry A. Wise, U.S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Nov. 3, 1846 


360 


604 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Barao de Cayru, 
Minister of Foreign 
Affairs of Brazil 


Nov. 4, 1846 


362 


605 


Barao de Cayru, 
Minister of Foreign 
Affairs of Brazil 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Nov. 4, 1846 


363 


606 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


James Buchanan, Sec. 
of State 


Nov. 1 6, 1846 


363 


607 
608 


Same 

Caspar Jose de Lisboa, 
Brazilian Minister 
to the U. S. 


Same 
Same 


Dec. 9, 1846 
Feb. n, 1847 


368 
376 


609 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


James Buchanan, Sec. 
of State 


March 18, 1847 


377 


610 


Same 


Same 


April 12, 1847 


378 


611 


Same 


Barao de Cayru, 
Minister of Foreign 
Affairs of Brazil 


April 21, 1847 


382 


612 


Same 


James Buchanan, Sec. 
of State 


April 22, 1847 


383 


613 


Barao de Cayru, 
Minister of Foreign 
Affairs of Brazil 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


May 4, 1847 


383 


614 


Henry A. Wise, U.S. 
Minister to Brazil 


James Buchanan, Sec. 
of State 


May 7, 1847 


384 


615 


Same 


Same 


June 27, 1847 


385 


616 


Caspar Jose de Lisboa, 
Brazilian Minister 
to the U. S. 


Same 


July 10, 1847 


389 


617 


Felippe Jose P. Leal, 
Brazilian Charge 
d'Affaires ad interim 
at Washington 


Same 


Aug. 2, 1847 


390 


618 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Saturnino de Souza, 
Minister of Foreign 
Affairs of Brazil 


Aug. 12, 1847 


396 


619 


David Tod, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Saturnine de Souza, 
Minister of Foreign 
Affairs of Brazil 


Aug. 18, 1847 


397 



LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 

PART IV. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL (Continued] 



xxi 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


620 


Saturnine de Souza, 
Minister of Foreign 


David Tod, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Aug. 19, 1847 


39 




Affairs of Brazil 








621 


Henry A. Wise, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


James Buchanan, Sec. 
of State 


Aug. 26, 1847 


399 


622 


David Tod, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Same 


Aug. 31, 1847 


400 


623 


Same 


Same 


Sept. 18, 1847 


4<>3 


624 


Same 


Same 


Oct. 12, 1847 


404 


625 


Felippe Jose P. Leal, 
Brazilian Charge 


Same 


Oct. 21, 1847 


4>5 




d' Affaires ad interim 










at Washington 








626 


Sergio T. de Macedo, 
Brazilian Minister 


John M. Clayton, Sec. 
of State 


April 10, 1849 


405 




to the U. S. 








627 


David Tod, U. S. 


Same 


Oct. 17, 1849 


407 




Minister to Brazil 








628 


Same 


Same 


Dec. 17, 1849 


407 


629 


Same 


Daniel Webster, Sec. of 


Sept. 17, 1850 


408 






State 






630 


Sergio T. de Macedo, 


Same 


May 12, 1851 


411 




Brazilian Minister 










to the U. S. 








631 


David Tod, U. S. 


Same 


June 7, 1851 


413 




Minister to Brazil 








632 


Robert C. Schenck, 


Same 


Sept. 25, 1851 


414 




U. S. Minister to 










Brazil 








633 


Same 


Same 


Nov. 29, 1851 


4^5 


634 


Same 


Same 


Jan. 9, 1852 


416 


635 


Same 


Same 


Feb. 14, 1852 


416 


636 


Same 


Same 


June 23, 1852 


417 


637 


Edward Kent, U. S. 


Same 


July 12, 1852 


417 




Charge d' Affaires 










ad interim at Rio 










de Janeiro 








638 


Robert C. Schenck, 


Same 


Sept. 17, 1852 


418 




U. S. Minister to 










Brazil 








639 


Same 


Same 


Oct. 14, 1852 


419 


64.0 


Same 


Edward Everett, Sec. 


Dec. 15, 1852 


421 






of State 






64.1 


Same 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 


March 19, 1853 


422 






of State 







LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 

PART IV. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL (Continued) 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


642 


Francisco de 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 


April 4, 1853 


422 


T^ 


Carvalho Moreira, 


of State 








Brazilian Minister 










to the U. S. 








643 


Same 


Same 


April 26, 1853 


423 


644 


Robert C. Schenck, 


Same 


April 30, 1853 


425 




U. S. Minister to 










Brazil 








645 


Francisco de 


Same 


Aug. 15, 1853 


426 




Carvalho Moreira, 










Brazilian Minister 










to the U. S. 








646 


Robert C. Schenck, 


Same 


Aug. 23, 1853 


429 




U. S. Minister to 










Brazil 








647 


Same 


Same 


Aug. 24, 1853 


431 


648 


Same 


Same 


Sept. 15, 1853 


432 


649 


Same 


Same 


Sept. 26, 1853 


434 


650 


Francisco de 


Same 


Oct. 3, 1853 


435 




Carvalho Moreira, 










Brazilian Minister to 










the U. S. 








651 


Robert C. Schenck, 


Same 


Oct. 4, 1853 


436 




U. S. Minister to 










Brazil 








652 


Antonio Paulino L. de 


Robert C. Schenck, 


Oct. 5, 1853 


438 




Abreu, Minister of 


U. S. Minister to 








Foreign Affairs of 


Brazil 








Brazil 








653 


Robert C. Schenck, 


Antonio Paulino L. de 


Oct. 7, 1853 


439 




U. S. Minister to 


Abreu, Minister of For- 








Brazil 


eign Affairs of Brazil 






654 


Same 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 


Oct. 7, 1853 


440 






of State 






655 


Minute of an interview 




Oct. 28, 1853 


441 




between William 










Trousdale, U. S. 










Minister to Brazil, 










and Antonio Paulino 










L. de Abreu, Minis- 










ter of Foreign 










Affairs of Brazil 


















656 


William Trousdale, 


Same 


Nov. 1 8, 1853 


443 




U. S. Minister to 










Brazil 








657 


Francisco de 


Same 


Nov. 28, 1853 


444 




Carvalho Moreira, 










Brazilian Minister 










to the U. S. 









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 

PART IV. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL (Continued) 



XXlll 



Doc. 

No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


658 


Francisco de 
Carvalho Moreira, 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 
of State 


Jan. 16, 1854 


445 




Brazilian Minister 










to the U. S. 








659 


Antonio Paulino L. de 


Same 


Nov. 7, 1853 


445 




Abreu, Minister of 
Foreign Affairs of 




[enclosed with 
No. 658] 






Brazil 








660 


Same 


The Diplomatic Corps at 


Jan. 19, 1854 


448 






Rio de Janeiro 






661 


William Trousdale, 
U. S. Minister to 


Antonio Paulino L. de 
Abreu, Minister of For- 


Jan. 21, 1854 


452 




Brazil 


eign Affairs of Brazil 






662 


Same 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 


Feb. 14, 1854 


453 






of State 






663 


Same 


Same 


March 14, 1854 


454 


664 


Francisco de 
Carvalho Moreira, 


Same 


April 15, 1854 


454 




Brazilian Minister 










to the U. S. 








665 


William Trousdale, 


Same 


June 19, 1854 


455 




U. S. Minister to 










Brazil 








666 


Same 


Antonio Paulino L. de 


July 3, 1854 


455 






Abreu, Minister of For- 










eign Affairs of Brazil 






667 


Same 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 


July 10, 1854 


456 






of State 






668 


Extract of a memoran- 




July 27, 1854 


457 




dum of a conference 










between William 










Trousdale, U. S. 










Minister to Brazil, 










and Antonio Paulino 










L. de Abreu, Minis- 










ter of Foreign 










Affairs of Brazil 








669 


William Trousdale, 


Same 


July 28, 1854 


458 




U. S. Minister to 










Brazil 








6/0 


Same 


Same 


Aug. 8, 1854 


459 


6 7 I 


Same 


Same 


Sept. 7, 1854 


459 


672 


Antonio Paulino L. de 


William Trousdale, U. S. 


Sept. 13, 1854 


460 




Abreu, Minister of 


Minister to Brazil 








Foreign Affairs of 










Brazil 








673 


William Trousdale, 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 


Sept. 15, 1854 


463 




U. S. Minister to 


of State 








Brazil 









XXIV LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 

PART IV. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL (Continued) 



Doc. 

No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


674 


William Trousdale, 
U. S. Minister to 
Brazil 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 
of State 


Oct. 25, 1854 


464 


675 
676 


Same 

Francisco de 
Carvalho Moreira, 
Brazilian Minister 
to the U. S. 


Same 
Same 


Nov. 4, 1854 
Nov. 15, 1854 


465 
466 


677 
678 


Same 

William Trousdale, 
U. S. Minister to 
Brazil 


Same 
Same 


Nov. 1 8, 1854 
Nov. 27, 1854 


466 
468 


679 


Same 


Visconde de Abaete, 
Minister of Foreign 
Affairs of Brazil 


Dec. 6, 1854 


469 


680 


Same 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 
of State 


Dec. II, 1854 


469 


681 


Same 


Same 


Feb. 5, i855 


470 


682 


Note of an interview 
between William 
Trousdale, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil, 
and Dom Pedro II, 
Emperor of Brazil 




Feb. 26, 1855 


470 


683 


William Trousdale, 
U. S. Minister to 
Brazil 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 
of State 


March 12, 1855 


473 


684 


Same 


Same 


April 12, 1855 


474 


685 


Same 


Same 


May 15, 1855 


474 


686 


Same 


Same 


May 30, 1855 


474 


687 


Same 


Same 


June 13, 1855 


475 


688 


Same 


Jose Maria da Silva 
Paranhos, Minister of 
Foreign Affairs of 
Brazil 


July 24, 1855 


475 


689 


Same 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 
of State 


July 30, 1855 


480 


690 


Same 


Same 


Aug. 13, 1855 


481 


691 


Same 


Same 


Oct. 30, 1855 


482 


692 


Same 


Jose Maria da Silva 
Paranhos, Minister of 
Foreign Affairs of 
Brazil 


Nov. 8, 1855 


485 


693 


Jose Maria da Silva 
Paranhos, Minister 
of Foreign Affairs 
of Brazil 


William Trousdale, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Nov. 10, 1855 


486 



LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 

PART IV. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL (Continued) 



xxv 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


694 


William Trousdale, 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 


Nov. 16, 1855 


487 




U. S. Minister to 


of State 








Brazil 








695 


Same 


os6 Maria da Silva 


Nov. 21, 1855 


490 






Paranhos, Minister 










of Foreign Affairs 










of Brazil 






696 


Memorandum of a 




Dec. 6, 1855 


492 




conversation between 










William Trousdale, 










U. S. Minister to 










Brazil, and Visconde 










de Maranguape at 










Rio de Janeiro 








697 


William Trousdale, 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 


Dec. 14, 1855 


494 




U. S. Minister to 


of State 








Brazil 








698 


Francisco Aguiar de 


Same 


March I, 1856 


496 




Andrada, Brazilian 










Charge" d'Affaires ad 
interim at Washington 








699 


Same 


Same 


March 31, 1856 


508 


700 


William Trousdale, 


Same 


April 15, 1856 


509 




U. S. Minister to 










Brazil 








701 


J. F. de Paula Caval- 


Same 


Sept. 10, 1856 


5io 




canti de Albuquer- 










que, Brazilian 










Minister to the U. S. 








702 


William Trousdale, 


Same 


Sept. 25, 1856 


5io 




U. S. Minister to 










Brazil 








703 


Same 


Jos6 Maria da Silva 
Paranhos, Minister of 


Oct. 3, 1856 


5H 






Foreign Affairs of 










Brazil 






704 


Same 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 


Oct. 13, 1856 


513 






of State 






705 


Memorandum of an 




Oct. 20, 1856 


513 




interview between 










William Trousdale, 










U. S. Minister to 










Brazil, and Jos6 










Maria da Silva^ 










Paranhos, Minister 










of Foreign Affairs 
of Brazil 








706 


William Trousdale, 


Same 


Oct. 24, 1856 


5i6 




U. S. Minister to 










Brazil 









LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME II 

PART IV. COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL (Continued) 



Doc. 
No. 


From 


To 


Date 


Page 


707 


William Trousdale, 
U. S. Minister to 
Brazil 


Jos6 Mark da Silva 
Paranhos, Minister of 
Foreign Affairs of 
Brazil 


Nov. 5, 1856 


516 


708 


Same 


William L. Marcy, Sec. 
of State 


Nov. 13, 1856 


5i8 


709 


Memorandum of an 
interview between 
William Trousdale, 
U. S. Minister to 
Brazil, and Jos6 
Maria da Silva^ 
Paranhos, Minister 
of Foreign Affairs 
of Brazil 




Jan. 19, 1857 


519 


710 


William Trousdale, 
U. S. Minister to 
Brazil 


Same 


Jan. 27, 1857 


520 


711 


Same 


Lewis Cass, Sec. of State 


March 26, 1857 


52i 


712 


Richard K. Meade, 
U. S. Minister to 
Brazil 


Same 


Jan. 15, 1858 


522 


713 


Same 


Same 


March 13, 1858 


523 


7H 


Same 


Same 


Nov. 6, 1858 


523 


715 


Same 


Same 


Dec. 10, 1858 


525 


716 


Jos Maria da Silva 
Paranhos, Minister 
of Foreign Affairs 
of Brazil 


Richard K. Meade, U. S. 
Minister to Brazil 


Dec. 27, 1858 


525 


717 


Richard K. Meade, 
U. S. Minister to 
Brazil 


Jos6 Maria da Silva 
Paranhos, Minister 
of Foreign Affairs 
of Brazil 


Dec. 29, 1858 


526 


718 


Same 


Lewis Cass, Sec. of State 


Jan. 6, 1859 


527 


719 


Same 


Same 


April 6, 1859 


528 


720 


Same 


Same 


Dec. I, 1859 


528 


721 


Same 


Same 


May 7, 1860 


529 


722 


Same 


Same 


Oct. 6, i860 


530 



NOTE 

The idiosyncrasies of spelling, punctua- 
tion, capitalization and grammar of the 
original manuscript stand uncorrected 
in this print, except in case of manifest 
and inadvertent error, where the cor- 
rection could in nowise affect the sense. 



PART I 

COMMUNICATIONS TO BOLIVIA 



388 

James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States, to John Appleton, 
United States Charge d* Affaires at Sucre l 

No. 2 WASHINGTON, June i, 1848. 

SIR: The Republic of Bolivia to which you are accredited as charge d'af- 
faires is the only one of the independent States of the American Continent 
which has never been visited either by a diplomatic or consular agent of the 
United States. The important duty is, therefore, confided to you of opening 
diplomatic relations with that Republic. 

You may assure the Bolivian Government that this delay (in accrediting a 
minister to them) has not been occasioned by any want of the most friendly 
feelings on our part. 

The early and decided stand which the people of the United States and 
their Government took in recognizing the independence of the Spanish Amer- 
ican Republics is known to the world. Ever since that period, we have felt 
the most lively interest in their prosperity and the strongest desire to see 
them elevated, under free, stable and Republican Governments, to a high 
rank among the nations of the earth. We entertain a cordial sympathy for 
all the Republics on this continent and desire nothing more than that their 
course should be prosperous and onward, securing the blessings of liberty 
and order to their people. This delay has on the contrary arisen solely from 
the fact that the territories of the Bolivian Republic lie chiefly in the interior 
of South America and that for want of good ports on the Pacific our com- 
mercial intercourse with them has been of a very limited character. It is 
believed that Cobeja [Cobija] is the only Bolivian port and this is but little fre- 
quented. It is understood that the Governments of Peru and Bolivia have 
been in Treaty for the cession of the Port of Arica from the former to the latter : 
and whilst this could not materially injure Peru it would be of essential 
advantage to Bolivia, as well as to the commerce of our country- Without 
attempting to interfere with the domestic concerns of either of these Re- 

1 Instructions, Bolivia, vol. I. 

John Appleton, of Maine, was commissioned charge d'affaires to Bolivia, March 30, 1848. 
He left Bolivia, for the United States, on May 4, 1849, having previously requested his 
recall. From January 26, 1848 to March 30, 1848, he had served as chief clerk in the De- 
partment of State, from which position he retired to accept the appointment which took him 
to Bolivia. Following his service in Bolivia, Appleton was commissioned secretary of the 
United States legation in Great Britain, on February 19, 1855. He retired, November 16, 
1855. He had been commissioned on May 20, 1853, but did not then accept. On October 
2 7 1855, he was commissioned charge d'affaires ad interim. Appleton was commissioned 
Assistant Secretary of State by President Buchanan, April 4, 1857. He resigned to accept 
the position of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Russia, June 8, 1860. 
From this position he took leave on June 7, 1861. In the meantime, he served on a mixed 
claims commission in Washington which met from June 22, 1860 to August 30 of the same 
year. This commission met under the convention between the United States and Paraguay, 
of February 4, 1859, for adjusting the claims of the "United States and Paraguay Naviga- 
tion Company/' The decision was in favor of Paraguay. 



4 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS TO BOLIVIA 

publics, you might, should an opportunity offer, by your counsel and advice, 
promote this cession. Arica would seem naturally to belong to Bolivia; and 
of this that Republic cannot fail to be rendered more deeply sensible by the 
onerous transit duties which are now levied at Arica upon merchandise des- 
tined for consumption in Bolivia, The truth is that so long as Arica shall 
continue to be a Peruvian port it will be a perpetual cause of irritation be- 
tween these Republics and will always endanger their friendly relations 
with each other. 

The principal object of your mission is to cultivate the most friendly rela- 
tions with Bolivia. The enemies of free Government throughout the world 
point with satisfaction to the perpetual revolutions and changes in the 
Spanish American Republics. They hence argue that man is not fit for self 
Government: and it is greatly to be deplored that the instability of these 
Republics and in many instances their disregard for private rights have 
afforded a pretext for such an unfounded assumption. Liberty cannot be 
preserved without order: and this can only spring from a sacred observance of 
law. So long as it shall be in the power of successive Military Chieftains to 
subvert the Governments of these Republics by the sword, their people 
cannot expect to enjoy the blessings of liberty. Anarchy, confusion and 
civil war must be the result. In your intercourse with the Bolivian author- 
ities you will omit no opportunity of pressing these truths upon them, and 
of presenting to them the example of our own country where all controversies 
are decided at the ballot box. These truths you will endeavor to impress 
upon those whom you may meet in society, and you will avail yourself of all 
suitable opportunities, to strengthen, in a becoming manner, the opinions 
which must already exist in Bolivia, in favor of republican institutions. 

You will bear in mind, also, the desire of your government for the mutual 
friendship and harmony of the South American Republics and will always 
encourage, when you can properly do so, every measure which may be fairly 
expected to tend towards such a result. 

Instead of weakening themselves by domestic dissensions the Spanish race 
in these Republics have every motive for union and harmony. They nearly 
all have an enemy within their own bosoms burning for vengeance on account 
of the supposed wrongs of centuries, and ever ready, when a favorable oppor- 
tunity may offer, to expel or exterminate the descendants of their con- 
querors. Already a war of races has arisen between the Indian and Spanish 
in Guatemala, and Yucatan, and the civil war now raging in Venezuela par- 
takes largely of this character. In Bolivia it is understood that three fourths 
of the inhabitants belong to the Indian race. How unfortunate it is that, 
under these circumstances, the Spanish race there should be weakening them- 
selves by warring with each other. 

The nations on this Continent are placed in a peculiar position. Their 
interests and independence require that they should establish and maintain 



DOCUMENT 388: JUNE I, 1848 5 

an American system of policy for their protection and security entirely dis- 
tinct from that which has so long prevailed in Europe. To tolerate any in- 
terference on the part of European Governments with controversies in 
America and to suffer them to establish new colonies of their own intermin- 
gled with our free Republics, would be to make, to the same extent, a 
voluntary sacrifice of our independence. These truths ought every 
where throughout the continent of America to be impressed on the public 
mind. 

The direct trade between the United States and Bolivia is believed to be 
insignificant but the inhabitants of that Republic are known to consume 
products of the United States to a considerable amount which they receive 
indirectly. These, they would probably use more largely if they were not 
circuitously conveyed and if the mutual wants of the two countries shall be 
better understood. One of the purposes of your mission will be to accom- 
plish these results. On the 3O tL November 1836, during the brief existence 
of the Government called the Peru-Bolivian Confederation, a Treaty between 
that Government and the United States was concluded. That Confederacy, 
as you are aware, was composed of the States of North and South Peru and of 
the Republic of Bolivia, and General Santa Cruz of that Republic was its 
Executive Chief. Since its dissolution and the choice of General Castilla as 
President of Peru, the Peruvian Government has expressed doubts as to the 
obligations of Peru under the treaty. You will herewith receive a copy of 
the correspondence 1 on this subject between this Department and Mr Osma, 
the late Minister from Peru at Washington. This correspondence was 
followed by an authority to him from his Government to conclude a new and 
separate Treaty with Peru. The President having empowered me for the 
same purpose, the Treaty was signed on the ninth of February last, and is 
now before the Senate. You will herewith receive a printed copy of it. 2 
You will, also, have with you a copy of the Treaty 3 which was concluded 
between the United States and the Republic of Ecuador on the I3th of June 
1839. Both these treaties contain important provisions which are not 
embraced in the Convention between this government and the Peru Bolivian 
Confederation, of November 1836, but which it would be desirable to embody 
in a new treaty with the Republic of Bolivia. You will take an early occa- 
sion, therefore, to ascertain the views of the Bolivian Government on this 
subject, and if you find them favorable, you may propose a new treaty on the 
general basis of the treaty with Ecuador, of 1839. If objections should be 
made to any of the stipulations of this treaty, which are not of material 

x The correspondence referred to does not appear in Instructions, Bolivia, vol. i. See 
below, volume and part containing Communications to Peru, under the date, April 22, 1847, 
and volume and part containing Communications from Peru, under the date, June 9, 1847. 

5 The copy referred to does not appear in the manuscript volume. 

3 The copy referred to does not appear in Instructions, Bolivia, vol. i. For correspondence 
in connection with this treaty, see below, volume and part containing Communications from 
Ecuador. 



6 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS TO BOLIVIA 

importance, you will be at liberty to modify them, so as to meet the wishes of 
the Bolivian Government, in any way which in your judgment will be satis- 
factory to your own government. 

Numerous individuals and some associations have applied to this Depart- 
ment for instructions to our diplomatic agent and Consuls in Peru to assist 
them in importing Alpaca sheep into the United States. Unofficial instruc- 
tions to that effect have accordingly been given. The object may be said to 
be of national importance and its accomplishment by proper means will re- 
flect credit upon any person who may contribute to that result. It is under- 
stood that the Government of Peru allows those animals to be exported 
reluctantly, if at all, and, indeed, has interposed legal or other impediments 
thereto. If, as is presumed to be the case, Alpacas also abound in Bolivia, 
it will be desirable to know whether or not the regulations of that Govern- 
ment in regard to their exportation are more liberal than those of its neighbor 
and whether this exportation can be advantageously made. 

I am sir [etc.]. 



389 

Daniel Webster, Secretary of State of the Untied States, to Horace H. Miller, 
United Stales Charge Affaires at Sucre 1 

No. 2 WASHINGTON, June n, 1852. 

SIR: As your predecessors in the mission to Bolivia did not remain there 
long enough to carry their instructions into effect, you will herewith receive 
a copy of those given to Mr. Appleton. 2 Mr. M ? Clung 3 was directed to be 
governed by them in the transaction of the business of the mission and you, 
also, will consider them as addressed to yourself so far as they may be ap- 
plicable to existing circumstances. 

Some of the rivers which flow into the La Plata take their rise in Bolivia 
and may be navigable by steamboats within the territory of that Republic. 
Hopes are entertained that in consequence of the fall of Rosas a change may 
take place in the policy of the Argentine Republic and of the other states 
through which those rivers flow, by means of which vessels of foreign nations 
or the productions of those nations may be introduced with advantage into 
those vast regions. In any treaty which you may conclude with the Bolivian 
government you will bear this matter in mind and will be careful that the 
vessels and productions of the United States, whether proceeding to the ports 

1 Instructions, Bolivia, vol. i. 

Horace H. Miller, of Mississippi, was commissioned charge d'affaires to Bolivia February 
io, 1852. He left in January, 1854. 

* Copy does not appear. See above, this part, doc. 588. 

\g AIe3cander K - McCIung, of Mississippi, was commissioned charge d'affaires to Bolivia, 
May 29, 1849. He received his passports, at his own request, April 27, 1851. There were 
no separate instructions .to him, pertinent to this publication. 



DOCUMENT 390: NOVEMBER I, 1853 7 

of Bolivia on the Pacific or to the territory of that Republic by means of the 
rivers adverted to, shall be received upon terms at least as favorable as may 
be granted to any other nation. 
I am, Sir, [etc.]. 

390 

William L. Marcy, Secretary oj State of the United States, to John W. Dana, 
United States Charge <T Affaires at Siicre 1 

No. 2 WASHINGTON, November i, 1853. 

SIR: The post to which the President has appointed you is an important 
one as concerns the commercial interests of the United States. This govern- 
ment is anxious to cultivate the most intimate relations with Bolivia as it is 
with all the other South American Republics. Heretofore we have had, 
comparatively, no trade with her citizens. This is attributable to the want 
of a direct and speedy communication with that portion of her territory lying 
East of the Andes containing nineteen-twentieths of the whole. The Ama- 
zon would have afforded us all we desired for the transportation of our 
products to Bolivia but it has pleased the Emperor of Brazil to forbid the 
navigation of it to our vessels because it chances to pass through his realms. 
Various causes have influenced the United States to submit passively to the 
pretensions to the exclusive control exercised so illiberally by his Imperial 
Majesty over this mighty river. The ancient restrictive policy to which 
Brazil still obstinately adheres is in conflict with the spirit of the present 
enlightened age, which claim the free use of all the natural means of interna- 
tional communications, obviously designed by a wise Providence for the 
common benefit of all civilized nations. Bolivia has a more direct and com- 
paratively a deeper interest in this question than those nations which desire a 
free commercial intercourse with her, but to them it is also a great and grow- 
ing interest, and she ought vigorously to second the efforts they are making 
to induce Brazil to accede to their reasonable demands. 

This government understands that the government of Bolivia is fully 
impressed, as it is quite natural it should be, with the importance of the free 
navigation of the Amazon, and we have but little doubt that you will find it 
prepared to engage cordially with us in accomplishing peaceably the object 
we design. To the attainment of this end you will judiciously direct your 
best exertions. 

In order to put you more fully in possession of the views which your gov- 
ernment entertains on this important subject, I herewith communicate a 
copy of my instructions to Mr. Trousdale, our new Minister to Brazil. 2 

1 Instructions, Bolivia, vol. I. 

John W. Dana, of Maine, was commissioned charge d'affaires to Bolivia on August 26, 
1853. He was commissioned minister resident, June 29, 1854, and presented credentials 
as such on September 24, 1854. He took leave on March 10, 1859. 

2 See below, pt. in, doc. 483, 



8 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS TO BOLIVIA 

Your predecessor was authorized to conclude a Convention of Friendship, 
Commerce, and Navigation with the government of Bolivia. 1 The last des- 
patch received from him was dated the is* of July last, 2 at which time negoti- 
ations had not been commenced. As it is presumable that nothing definitive 
has yet been done in the matter, I herewith transmit an outline of such an 
one as the President would be willing to enter into, together with a full power 
for you to act in the premises. 

I am, Sir, [etc.]. 
P. S. 

The draft of the Treaty above referred to not being yet complete, it is 
deemed advisable not to detain this instruction on that account. But the 
draft and the necessary Power to treat will be prepared within a few days, and 
transmitted to you at your Legation. 3 



391 

William L. Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States, to John W. Dana, 
United States Minister Resident in Bolivia 4 

No. 8 WASHINGTON, October 18, 1854. 

SIR: Herewith I transmit to you a projet of a declaration 5 in relation to 
neutral rights to be submitted to the Government of Bolivia for its approval 
and adoption. It affirms the principles that free ships make free goods, 
contraband excepted, and, that, the property of neutrals not contraband, 
found on board of enemies 1 ships is not confiscable. 

These two principles have been adopted by Great Britain and France as 
rules of conduct towards all neutrals in the present European war; and, it is 
presumed that neither nation will refuse to recognize them as rules of inter- 
national law, and to conform to them in all time to come. 

The Emperor of Russia has lately concluded a Convention with the United 
States embracing these principles as permanent and immutable, and, to be 
scrupulously observed towards all powers which accede to the same. 

It is the intention of the United States to propose to the principal powers 
to enter into treaty arrangements for the recognition of these principles. 

Should the Government of Bolivia be disposed to meet these views of the 
President of the United States, this government will promptly enter into 
treaty stipulations with that of Bolivia upon the subject. 

I am, Sir, [etc.]. 

1 See above, this part, doc. 389. 

* The despatch referred to is not included, as its contents do not relate to the material in 
this publication. 

8 The olraft was forwarded, on May 2, 1854, by a brief covering instruction, No. 5, not 
included in this publication. 

4 Instructions, Bolivia, vol. I. 

1 This projet does not appear with the file copy of this instruction. 



DOCUMENT 393: AUGUST 19, 1858 9 

392 

Lewis Cass, Secretary of State of the United Stales, to John W. Dana, United 
States Minister Resident in Bolivia * 

No. 12 WASHINGTON, July i, 1857. 

SIR: Your despatches to N? 42 ? inclusive, have been received; and I have 
to express to you the gratification experienced by the Department in the 
perusal of the very interesting and instructive communications from you, 
of the more recent dates, in relation to the navigable waters of Bolivia. 

In order to place you in possession of the views of the Navy Department 
in respect to the probable exploration of the rivers of that Republic by an 
expedition similar to that conducted by Commander Thomas Jefferson Page, 
in the waters of the Argentine Confederation and Paraguay, your despatches 
numbered 37, 3 38 and 40 4 have been submitted to the Secretary of the Navy 
with the request that he would communicate to this office such information 
respecting the subject therein discussed as might with propriety be trans- 
mitted to you for the purpose of being laid before the Bolivian Government. 
Herewith you will receive a copy of his reply, dated 24th. ultimo, 5 which will, 
it is hoped, aiford convincing proofs to the Government of Bolivia of the 
friendly interest felt by the United States in promoting those enterprises 
which have for their object the development of the internal resources of that 
country and the consequent increase of those ties of friendship and mutual 
dependence which will result from an extension of the commercial intercourse 
between the two Republics. 

I am, Sir [etc.]. 

393 

Lewis Cass, Secretary of State 0/ the United States, to John W. Dana, United 
States Minister Resident in Bolivia 6 

No. 18 WASHINGTON, August ip, 1858. 

SIR: In compliance with the suggestion contained in your N? 71 of the 
1 3th. June, last, 7 you are authorized to invite the Government of Bolivia to 
give in its formal accession to the treaty of 10 July 1853, between the United 
States and the Argentine Confederation in accordance with the seventh 
article thereof. 

A full Power for the purpose of such a negotiation is herewith transmitted 
to you. 

1 Instructions, Bolivia, vol. I. 

2 Dana's No. 42, of May 14, 1857, is not included in this publication. 
8 See below, pt. n, doc. 422. 

4 Dana's Nos. 38 and 40, of April 4, 1857 and April 14, 1857, respectively, were not 
copied for this publication. 

5 This document does not appear with the file copy of this instruction. The review of its 
contents, above, is adequate for this publication. 

6 Instructions, Bolivia, vol. I. 7 See below, pt. n, doc. 44.3. 



I0 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS TO BOLIVIA 

I transmit also, as possibly useful, a translation of a declaration of acces- 
sion of Bremen to a Convention between Prussia and the United States 1 
which contains a similar provision for the accession of other States. The 
adoption of this form is of course optional with the Bolivian Government. 

It is understood that your successor intends leaving for his post towards the 
first of October. With this intimation you may be enabled by early negotia- 
tion to conclude the business hereby committed to you before his arrival. 

I am, Sir, [etc.]. 



394 

Lewis Cass, Secretary of State of the United States, to Colonel Juan Ondarza, 
Commissioner from Bolivia 2 

WASHINGTON, May 5, 1859. 

SIR : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication 
of the 29th. ultimo, 3 soliciting in behalf of the Republic of Bolivia, and as its 
Commissioner, a loan from the Government of the United States of one to 
three millions of dollars, upon proper and sufficient guarantees, which loan 
is intended for the developement of the navigation and fluvial resources of 
the Bolivian Republic. 

While it is the source of sincere gratification to the President that the 
Government of Bolivia entertains the sympathy for the Government and 
People of the United States which you have expressed, and on account of 
which you are instructed to address your proposals in the first instance to this 
Government, it is, I assure you, with much regret, he is prevented, on con- 
stitutional grounds from acceding to your proposition. No money can be 
advanced from the treasury of the United States, except in pursuance of 
legal appropriations. 

In communicating to you this reply I take occasion to express the lively 
sympathy and friendship which the United States entertain for the Republic 
of Bolivia, and their ardent hope that recent events involving free access to 
and the navigation of her eastern rivers may contribute largely, not only to 
the happiness and prosperity of Bolivia, but also to an increased and recip- 
rocally advantageous commerce between the two countries. 

I am, Sir, [etc.]. 

1 This document does not appear with the file copy of this instruction. 
- Xotes to Bolivia and Ecuador, vol. I. 

3 Not copied. The contents of Ondarza's note are sufficiently indicated in this acknowl- 
edgement. 



PART II 

COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 



395 

Jose M. Loza, Secretary General to the President of the Peru-Bolivian Confedera- 
tion, to John Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

[TRANSLATION] 

LA PAZ, March 16, 1837. 

MR. SECRETARY: The undersigned, Secretary General of His Excellency 
the President of Bolivia, Supreme Protector of the States of South and North 
Peru, entrusted with the direction of the Foreign Relations of the three 
States which compose the Peru-Bolivian Confederation, has had the honor to 
receive the polite communication of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the 
Republic of the United States dated at Washington on the 3 1st of July, 2 in 
which he is pleased to state that the President of the said Republic had 
thought proper to appoint James B. Thornton its Charg d' Affaires near the 
Government of the Republic of Peru, furnishing him at the same time with 
the credentials necessary for the exercise of the functions of the station and 
adding the expression of the sincere interest which the Republic of the 
United States takes in that of Peru and its ardent desire to cultivate its 
friendship and to deserve it by all the good offices that might be in its power. 

The Secretary of State must now be aware of the alterations which the 
former Republic of Peru has undergone; it being at present divided, with the 
unanimous consent of the people of which it was composed and by the solemn 
vote of their legislative assemblies, into two States which constitute a single 
nation confederated with the Republic of Bolivia. In consequence of this 
change, the President of Bolivia, charged with the Executive Power of the 
States into which Peru has been divided, with the title of Supreme Protector 
of both, having appointed the Regencies which in his absence are to exercise 
the administrative functions, has reserved to himself the direction of the 
Foreign Relations of the three States, which recognize him as Chief, and 
being at present absent from Peru, he has ordered the President of the Coun- 
cil of Government at Lima in which Capital Mr. Thornton has presented 
himself, to receive him in the character with which he is invested, and to issue 
a decree of the same date, recognizing that gentleman as Charg6 d'Affaires 
of the United States of America near the States that constitute the Peru- 
Bolivian Confederation and guaranteeing to him the prerogatives that belong 
to that character. 

His Excellency has at the same time directed the undersigned to express 
to the President of the United States through the Minister to whom he ad- 
dresses himself, his gratification for the lively interest which he takes in the 
fortunes of this country whose sound and friendly relations with the illustri- 

1 Other States, vol. I. 

2 The communication referred to has not been copied ; its contents are indicated in this 
acknowledgment. 

13 



14 PART III COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

cms North American people has induced and will continue to induce His Ex- 
cellency to improve them with all possible diligence, of which the Treaty 
recently concluded between the two Governments at the instance of the 
accredited Agent of the United States, is a proof. His Excellency has de- 
sired to pay a sacred debt by acknowledging in an authentic manner to the 
Government of the United States, that Mr. Samuel Larned, its last Charg6 
d' Affaires near the Government of Peru, has discharged with the most laud- 
able ability the functions with which he was invested and has carried with 
him in his retirement to his native country the most solid esteem and the 
sincerest affection of the Government and inhabitants of the Confederation. 

The Undersigned hopes that the Minister to whom he addresses himself 
will have the kindness to lay before his Excellency the President of the 
United States this testimonial of the friendship and inspired gratitude which 
Mr. Larned has succeeded in gaining for himself by the discharge of his duties. 

The Undersigned has the honor [etc.]. 



396 

John Appleton, United States Charge d r Affaires at Sucre, to James Buchanan, 
Secretary of State of the United States l 

No. 3 SUCRE, December Jj, 1848. 

SIR : I have now been more than two months in Bolivia, without being able 
to find any Government with whom it was possible to transact business, or to 
whom I could properly present myself as a Minister of the United States. 

Since the sixth of October last, the Republic has been in a state of complete 
anarchy, its Congress dispersed, its capital deserted by every national officer, 
its business wholly suspended, the lives and property of its citizens without 
any adequate protection, and all its resources exhausted in the support of two 
opposing armies, whose respective leaders were contending for preeminence. 
This condition of things, it is reasonable to hope, has now nearly reached 
its end. When I last had the honor to address the Department, 2 General 
Velasco, with his army, was in Puna, near Potosi, and General Belzu was 
advancing from Oruro, to give him battle. Upon arriving, however, at 
Puna, General Belzu found that his enemy had retreated; and it was not until 
he had sought him for nearly a month, over the terrible roads of this country, 
that he was enabled to bring him to a contest. The battle at last took place 
on the 6th instant near the village of " Yamparaez", about six leagues from 
this city and resulted in the complete triumph of General Belzu who, on the 
following day, entered Chuquisaca with his victorious army. I enclose an 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. 

* The despatch referred to, Appleton *s No. 2 of November 13, 1848, has not been copied; 
it is chiefly an account of military operations. 



DOCUMENT 396: DECEMBER 13, 1848 15 

official account of the battle, 1 from which it will be seen that the loss of both 
armies in killed was sixty-five, and that the entire number of wounded was 
little more than a hundred. It remains now only to hear from Cochabarnba, 
where a small force of Government troops has recently taken possession of the 
town, and where General Belzu, before the late battle had, also, sent an 
opposing force of about one thousand men, under command of General 
(late Colonel) Lanza, for the purpose of dislodging the troops of the Govern- 
ment. The result of this movement we may expect to know about in afew 
days. Meanwhile, General Belzu remains with his army in this city, having 
assumed the title, and exercising the functions of President of the Republic. 

It is probable, therefore, that Bolivia is to receive in him another revolu- 
tionary President. She has never changed a President by election. General 
Sucre became President by the revolution against Spain. He was driven out 
from office in 1828, and General Blanco became President for a few days, 
when he was assassinated to be succeeded by General Santa Cruz. A revolu- 
tion in 1839 expelled Santa Cruz and elevated General Velasco to the Chair 
of State, and a new revolution in 1841, demanded the return of Santa Cruz. 
That General being unable, however, to enter the country, General Ballivian 
was proclaimed President by the Army, and maintained himself at the head 
of Affairs until December 1847, when General Velasco again became Chief 
Magistrate of the Republic. After only a year's continuance in office he has 
been expelled again by the recent revolution, which has probably created 
General Belzu his successor. 

How long General Belzu will continue at the head of affairs in Bolivia, it is 
impossible to anticipate. He is the President of the army, and owes his 
elevation entirely to the military portion of the community. Out of the army 
he has no very considerable party, although almost every district of the Re- 
public has pronounced in his favor, against the Government of Velasco. 
There is a strong party, however, in the country in favor of General Ballivian 
and there are very many who predict already his early return to Bolivia. He 
is universally regarded as a man of good common sense, and great energy in 
the management of affairs; and during the late weak administration of 
Velasco and the anarchy which has followed its dissolution, there are some 
even among those who aided in his overthrow, who regret the abscence from 
the country of his energetic and sometimes tyrannical government It is not 
yet time, however, to speculate upon the probable duration of General 
Belzu's administration. 

I shall take the earliest opportunity in my power of transacting business 
with the Government, and in the mean time shall not be idle in complying 
with your instructions to collect such statistical information as I can, con- 
cerning the affairs of Bolivia. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 

1 This is a printed circular, three pages long, not copied. 



1 6 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

397 

John Appleton, ex-Charge d* Affaires of the United States at Sucre, to John M. 
Clayton, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 

GEORGETOWN, D. C. June 28, 1849. 

SIR: I have the honor to inform you of my arrival in the United States. 
I left Bolivia on the 4th. of May last, and reached this city yesterday after- 
noon. 

On the 9th of March last the revolution which had been for several months 
expected in Bolivia, was commenced in Oruro. . . . 

During the progress of this revolution, foreseeing that it was not likely 
soon to terminate I took the occasion to visit Gobi j a on the coast, where I 
proposed to await the progress of events, taking a trip, perhaps, in the mean 
time to Valparaiso. I enclose a copy of the letter which, in conformity with 
this intention, I addressed to the Government from Potosi. 2 The news, 
however, which I received in Cobija, was so much more unfavorable to a re- 
turn of tranquility than I had expected, that I thught [sic] it proper to return 
without farther delay to the United States. I supposed it probable that I 
should meet my successor in office, on my way home, and was quite certain, 
at all events, that my presence in Bolivia would be wholly useless, for a con- 
siderable period of time. I therefore took leave of the Government in a 
letter of which I enclose a copy, 3 and on the 4th of May commenced my 
journey to the United States. I venture to believe that my course, under 
these circumstances, will meet the approval of the Department. 

The books and papers of the legation, securely packed and sealed, were 
placed in Charge of Mr. Richard Hellman, of Chuquisaca, at the time I left 
that place for Cobija. They are still in his possession, as safe probably as 
any property can be in so distracted a country as Bolivia. Mr Hellman is 
the managing partner of the English house of H. Bolton & Co. who do an 
extensive business in Peru and Bolivia. 

I ought to add that several of my official communications to the Depart- 
ment, some of them embodying statistical information which it was not easy 
to collect, have not yet reached their destination, owing, doubtless, to the 
disarrangement of the mails in Bolivia. I shall forward copies of them to the 
Department in a few days. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. 

* The letter, dated April 4, 1849, was not copied; its contents are indicated here. 

* This letter, dated May 2, 1849, was not copied. 



DOCUMENT 398: AUGUST 24, 1850 17 

398 

Alexander K. McClung, United, States Charge d* Affaires at Chuquisaca, io 
John M. Clayton, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 4 CEUQUISACA, August 24, 1850. 

SIR: I have the honor to acknoledge [sic] the receipt of your despatch No 
2 enclosing a new commission to me as chage d'affairs [sic] of the United 
States. 

The political condition of this country presents more promise of stability 
at this time than for many years previous, and there is now some prospect of 
the establishment and continunance of a free and a regular Government. 

By a decree of President Belzu of the I st of the present month the extraor- 
dinary powers (Facultades Extrordinarios) which he had assumed and ex- 
ercised for more than two years have been resigned, a constitutional congress 
assembled upon the 6 th of the month, and he was constitutionally elected to 
the Presidency, and now for the first time in ten years there is a Government 
which holds its powers by some other title than that of force. 

The Government of Gen Belzu has maintained itself for more than two 
years, but untill the 6 th of the present month it had no constitutional title to 
authority. It may be appropriate to give you a very brief recital of the 
various revolutions which have occurred in this country since the overthrow 
of the last legitimate Government. 

The last political authority which had been established peacebly and 
constitutionally in the country was the Government of General Santa Cruz 
under the Peru Bolivian Confederacy. 

Gen Santa Cruz seems to have been a Statesman, and to have been bent 
upon the wise purpose of uniting as many as possible of the South American 
Republics under one confederated Government; or at least Peru and Bolivia. 
His Policy however met with fierce and strenous opposition not only in Peru 
and Bolivia but also in Chili, where there existed an entire hostility not only 
to a farther extension of the confederacy but also to its continuance as it 
then existed. The Peru Bolivian malcontents, and an invading army from 
Chili proved too strong for Santa Cruz and he was completely defeated and the 
Confederacy overthrown at the battle of Yungai [Yungay?]. By treaty with 
Chili General Santa Cruz was banished from Bolivia. Upon the desolation 
[sic] of the Confederacy Bolivia was left without a Government, and General 
Velasco was proclaimed President by portions of the poeple [sic] and troops 
without any regular election. Gen Ballivian had himself proclaimed also, 
but after a short struggle he was driven out of the country Velasco's Govern- 
ment continued a few months only, disturbed by continued insurrections and 
was finally overthrown by Gen Ballivian. Ballivian upon his first failure to 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. 



1 8 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

overthrow the Government of Velasco had retired to Peru, whence in less 
than a year he returned not precisely accompanied by, but in communication 
with and supported by a Peruvian army. The plans and purposes attributed 
to this invasion on the part of the Peruvians, it would carry me beyond 
the purpose of this despatch to narrate. I only desire to detail enough to 
render the present condition of the country intelligible. Ballivian returned 
to Bolivia supported by this Peruvian army and the Government of the 
Velasco fell without firing a gun! Ballivian was proclaimed president in the 
same irregular manner with his predecessor and immediately issued a proc- 
lamation breathing the fiercest hostility to this same Peruvian army and to 
its government. He assembled an army and attacked and defeated the 
Peruvians at Ingavi with prodegious loss taking no less than four thousand 
Prisoners besides killing and wounding a large number. This Event oc- 
curred in November 1841. 

This victory made him very strong and he governed for more than six 
years with an iron hand. His government however was disturbed by fre- 
quent insurrections more or less imposing in appearance the most formidable 
of which was headed by the present President Belzu in 1844; - 

But even should the government become stable there is probably no coun- 
try in the world of similar extent, which in a commercial point of view is so 
entirely unimportant either to the United [sic] or to other nations. Although 
France England Brazil and Peru each maintain a Charge d'affairs here, the 
commercial connection with the country of all of them united is entirely 
inconsiderable. The narrow belt of Bollivian territory lying between the 
Pacific and the first range of the Andes is entirely arid and barren and the 
mountains are totally impassible to any species of wheel carriage what- 
soever . . . 

It appears strange at the first glance, that while Bolivia possesses an 
immense territory known to be exceedingly fertile, appropriate to the culture 
of sugar and coffee, and watered by branches supposed to be navagable of so 
great a river as the Amazon, it appears strange, that this immense territory 
should be tenanted only by herds of wild cattle or still wilder Indians, while 
all the civilised population is concentrated in a few cities in this wild sterile 
and dismal range of mountains; but the apparent singularity is at once ex- 
plained when it is remembered how settlements were first made in the 
country. It was first invaded from the west by Gold hunters, and as mines 
were found throughout the mountains and only in the mountains, it was there 
of course that the mining settlements were formed. The business of mining 
and other walks of industry necessary and kindred to it, soon formed cities 
at the principal points, and the population worked its way into the arable 
land to the East and engaged in agriculture, only sufficiently to supply the 
consumption at the mines. And now since the rich silver mines which 
formerly abounded in the metal are in a great measure exhausted, the popula- 



DOCUMENT 399 : DECEMBER 25, 1852 19 

tion of the cities although much reduced in number still retain their location 
and with the gleaning of the mines and the establishment of the new trade in 
cascarilla and coca, live like their predecessors without thought of changing 
or inproving their condition. 

The communication with the United States is monthly. By each Steamer 
I will transmit to you a despatch containing such information concerning 
this country as I may be able to gather. I find no cypher in the archives 
of the legation and shall be compelled to write more plainly about the affairs 
of the Country than the insecurity of the mail would render entirely desir- 
able. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 

399 

Horace H. Miller, United Slates Charge d' Affaires at La Paz, to Edward 
Everett, Secretary of State of the United States L 

[EXTRACT] 
No. i LA PAZ, December 25, 1852. 

SIR: ... In pursuance of my instructions I will, at an early day, propose 
to the Government of Bolivia, the execution of a Treaty 7 of Peace and Com- 
merce between the respective countries; and am quite confident the proposi- 
tion will be gladly accepted. I find that both the Government and the 
people of Bolivia, have their attention anxiously directed to the navigation of 
the River "Amazon" and its affluents, several of which take their rise in the 
territory of this Republic. I am assured by persons who are said to have 
explored them carefully, being specially commissioned by the Government 
for that purpose, that at least two of the tributaries of that river are navigable 
for vessels of a considerable size, far within the frontier of Bolivia. The im- 
pression prevails here that enterprizing Capitalists from the United States, 
are anxious to embark in the project of opening the navigation, and all in- 
telligent Bolivians are looking anxiously to that quarter for the means of 
securing the consummation of a scheme, which is of vital importance to the 
prosperity and advancement of the country. I have occupied myself since 
my arrival gathering information upon the subject, for the acquisition of 
which every facility has been afforded me, and in a short time will submit the 
result to the Department, in a despatch I will have the honor of transmitting, 
devoted particularily to that subject. 2 . . . 

I have the honor [etc.]. 

1 Despatches, Boliva, vol. I. The omitted portions of this despatch are devoted to de- 
scriptions of scenery and to routine. 

2 This may refer to Miller's No. 2, of January 29, 1853, for which see below, this part, doc. 
400. 



20 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

400 

Horace H. Miller, United States Charge (T Affaires at La Paz, to Edward 
Everett, Secretary of State of the United States l 

No. 2 LA PAZ, January 29, 1833. 

SIR: I have the honor to call the attention of the Department to a Decree 
published today, by the Government of Bolivia, declaring the free naviga- 
tion of all the affluents of the Rivers " Amazon" and "La Plata", within the 
territorial limits of this Republic; and offering a bonus of Ten Thousand dol- 
lars, and a grant of land of from one to twelve leagues in extent, to the first 
person navigating any of those waters into Bolivian territory, with vessels 
propelled by steam. The decree appears in "La Epoca", the Government 
paper, a marked copy of which is herewith transmitted the Department. 2 
It will be observed, that numerous towns upon the rivers flowing into those 
two great streams, are declared by the decree, free ports of entry. I hoped to 
have received an official copy of the decree in time to forward it by the mail 
which left here yesterday, to connect with the British mail steamer at Arica; 
but the publication was delayed until this day. I have just received notice 
that a Government express will be immediately despatched to convey 
communications to Arica, for the Steamer, and the Minister of Foreign Af- 
fairs has very politely proposed to forward this despatch by that conveyance. 
Time will not permit me to furnish a translation of the Decree, as the courier 
is on the point of leaving. 

It is unnecessary for me to point out the vast importance of this decree, as 
a means of forwarding the great scheme of opening the navigation of the 
Amazon and La Plata. The attention of the commercial world is now di- 
rected to that new and vast field for the extension of commerce, which the 
opening of the navigation of those mighty rivers would unfold ; and the liberal 
policy which is now being pursued by this Government, evinces a disposition 
to afford every facility in their power, for its consummation. I have not yet 
learned the character of the report of L*. Gibbon, who was despatched by the 
Government last year to examine the Amazon and its tributaries, and report 
upon the practicability of navigating them, but have every assurance, from 
information derived from persons in this country who are familiar with those 
streams, that his report is favorable to the enterprise. If my surmise be 
correct, the recent decree of this Government becomes of great importance. 
The Government of Brazil is understood to be utterly hostile to the scheme, 
and is interposing every possible obstacle to its accomplishment. The prin- 
cipal affluents of the Amazon penetrate into Bolivian territory, and this 
Government asserts the right to navigate them to the sea, without obstruc- 
tion from any Nation through whose territories they may flow. It is con- 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I . 

2 This printed decree appears in the manuscript volume, but was not copied. It occupies 
four columns. 



DOCUMENT 400 : JANUARY 2Q, 1853 21 

tended, that this view is sustained by the Law of Nations, enforced by numer- 
ous cases in point; and reference is particularily made to the doctrine asserted 
by President Monroe, in the case of the claim of the United States, to the 
unobstructed navigation of the Mississippi River to the Gulf of Mexico, 
Spain possessing the present State of Louisiana, and the mouth of the River. 

The three principal tributaries of the Amazon, in Bolivia, are the 
Rivers "Beni [Beni]" "Mamore [Marnore]," and "Ytnes [Ytenez?] or 
Guapore [Guapore]," each of which is confidently asserted to be navigable 
for vessels of a large class, Each of these streams has numerous tribu- 
taries; many of which, it is believed, could easily be rendered navigable. 
The three large streams unite and form the Madera [Madeira?], which 
empties into the Amazon. They penetrate into the most fertile parts of 
South America; into vast districts of country, in which if they possessed the 
facilities of steam navigation on these rivers, would be of incalculable benefit 
to this country, and the entire commercial World. The " Pilcomayo" which 
empties into the river "Paraguay", and from thence into the "La Plata", 
has its source in Bolivia, and has already been navigated by a large schooner 
nearly to the Bolivian frontier. The limited time allowed for the preparation 
of this despatch will not permit me to discuss the subject as fully as its im- 
portance demands, but rny next communication will place the Department 
in possession of all the information I have been able to obtain, relating to it. 

In pursuance of my instructions, I have proposed to the Government of 
Bolivia, the execution of a Commercial Treaty between the respective coun- 
tries, and have received notice that the proposal will be accepted. So soon 
as a Commissioner on behalf of Bolivia, is selected, and clothed with the 
proper powers, the negotiation will be commenced; and will be concluded, I 
trust, so as to meet the sanction of my Government. If, in view of the prob- 
able navigation of the rivers of Bolivia, the Department should desire any 
particular privileges or rights, secured to our Citizens, who may engage in the 
navigation or trade with Bolivia, I shall be glad to receive instructions with 
reference to them. The President of Bolivia uniformly expresses great ad- 
miration and esteem for the character of the Citizens of the United States, 
and has stated, that if they desired it, they should have the preference over 
all nations in the navigation of the rivers of the Republic, and the commerce 
resulting from it. The Government, and all intelligent persons in Bolivia, 
look to the Citizens of the United States to accomplish that great project. 
It is a question of the vital importance to Bolivia, for in her present condition 
she is almost completely deprived of commercial intercourse with foreign 
nations, for the want of an available sea port. Nine tenths of the imports of 
the country, enter through the sea ports of Peru, and reach Bolivia after pay- 
ing heavy duties to that Government. This greivance as it is here 
esteemed has heretofore produced War between the two Republics and will 
again, unless Bolivia shall free herself from the present state of vassalage, by 



22 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

opening communication with the Atlantic Ocean, through the vast rivers 
which flow from her borders. The subject is one of deep interest here, and 
seems to have absorbed all the other exciting topics which usually agitate 
the public mind. 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of a Circular despatch, 1 
announcing the appointment of the Honorable Edward Everett, as Secretary 
of State; and also of despatch N 3.* the suggestions contained in which, 
will be complied with in future, I having only delayed numbering my des- 
patches until my arrival at the Legation. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 



401 

Rafael Bustillo, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia to Edward Everett, 
Secretary of State of the United States* 

[TRANSLATION] 

LA PAZ, February 20, 1853. 

SIR: I have the honor of enclosing to Your Excellency a legalized copy of 
the decree issued by the government of the Republic, 4 opening the rivers of 
Bolivia to the commerce and navigation of all nations, and establishing free 
ports thereon. There is also added a copy of the circular which has been 
addressed to the Prefects of the Republic, 5 setting forth the spirit and the 
views that have prevailed in the adoption of the aforesaid decree. Your 
Excellency will be pleased to Communicate the same to your government. 

At a period like this, when the United States of North America, and all 
the civilized nations of the world, are struggling in behalf of material inter- 
ests, by which it is understood that their commerce and union with the 
powers of Europe, are necessary to their aggrandizement and greater im- 
provement, this decree, in consideration of the noble ends to which it aims, 
cannot but prove acceptable to the enlightened cabinet of the American 
Union, as well as to Your Excellency. 

With this object, I take pleasure [etc.]. 

1 This despatch does not appear In Instructions, Bolivia, vol. I, but its content is indicated 
here. 

2 This is a brief note from Secretary Everett, dated November 19, 1852, not included in 
this publication. 

* Other States, vol. i. * Not copied. 5 Not copied. 



DOCUMENT 402 : FEBRUARY 2O, 1854 23 

402 

John W. Dana, United States Charge d* Affaires at La Paz, to William L. 
Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 5 LA PAZ, February 20, 1854. 

SIR: A gentleman leaves here, in a few days, for Tacna in Peru, by an 
indirect route, passing on his way, through distant portions of Bolivia, and 
probably, not reaching Peru, within six or eight weeks. But as opportu- 
nities, for communicating with the coast, are so rare, I take advantage, of this 
indirect mode, of reporting myself to my Government. 

I find that my arrival here, was very opportune at a crisis in the question 
of the navigation of the tributaries of the Amazon, and the La Plata. The 
entire prevention of imports and exports, through the accustomed channels 
has excited general consideration, and discussion of the subject of opening 
new ones. Some propose, that the Government become a party to the 
Peru-Brazilian treaty, which you are aware, is open to the assent and partici- 
pation, of all the other-Amazonian powers, while others prefer sending an 
authorised agent of the Government to Buenos Ayres, to negotiate, with 
parties which offer, for the introduction of commerce through the La Plata. 
It is the impression of many, that if the present state of things continues a 
year, the whole mining operations of the country must cease. 

On my arrival here, although too ill to be presented to the Government, I 
very fortunately made the acquaintance of several gentlemen, who speak my 
language, and who are on intimate terms with the President, and the Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, and impressed them with the anxiety of my Government, 
to form commercial relations with Bolivia; and with the readiness with which 
the merchants of the United States, would acceed to proposals, for navigating 
Bolivian waters ; and at the same time, through one of them, I placed Lieut. 
Maury's pamphlets, in the hand of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. I have 
since learned, from the gentlemen alluded to, that they have had confer- 
ences with the President, and the Minister, on these subjects, and that they 
are favorably inclined toward commercial relations with the United States; 
and highly pleased with Maury's pamphlets, especially with that portion of 
it, which draws a contrast between the policy of Peru and Bolivia, relative 
to the navigation of the Amazon, so favorable to the latter. In fact the 
pamphlet is so well received, that the President has oredered its translation, 
which the Minister of Foreign Affairs is executing, and the printing of 2,000 
copies. 

Thus far the aspect of our relations is favorable, so much so, that, although 
my health has not entirely recovered; I have deemed it expedient to hasten 
my introduction to the Government, and accordingly on the 18 th inst., ad- 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. 



24 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

dressed a note to the Minister, requesting the indication of a time for the 
delivery of my letters of credence, and presentation to the President. Under 
these circumstances it is most unfortunate, that I am here without a draft of 
a treaty, or power to act in negotiating one, and without prospect of receiving 
them. 

While residing here, an English Physician has been much at my house, who 
for a time, was in the family, and very intimate, with Col. Loyd, the late 
British Chag d' Affaires here, but with whom he afterwards had a disagree- 
ment, and separated. It is probably within you knowledge, that Col. Loyd 
had difficulty with the Government of Bolivia, and retired from the country. 
His representation to his own Government, of the treatment he had received, 
induced it to withdraw Diplomatic intercourse with Bolivia, and that too in 
a tone most insulting. The English gentleman, refered to above, in com- 
menting, on one occasion, upon the conduct of Col. Loyd, remarked that it 
was most unfortunate for the interests of his country, that he was sent here, 
for he came with special instructions to negotiate, for British merchants, the 
right to navigate the Bolivian rivers, that he was at first very favorably 
received, and would have succeeded in his object, if he had been a man of 
ordinary prudence, and discretion, and that it was owing entirely to his 
mal-conduct, that British steamers and commerce were not now in Bolivia, 
to the profit of the former; and the relief of the latter. I learn also, from this 
same gentleman, that he is now in correspondence with friends in England, 
who have influence with the Government, making explanations of the im- 
prudent course of Col. Loyd, which he expects will produce a change in its 
policy, and induce a renewal of Diplomatic relations; and that he is hoping 
soon, the arrival of a British Charge d'Affaires. 

I have no doubt but the Bolivian Government would, in its present block- 
aded condition, concede, to any Government or company, which would 
guarantee to come, at once, to its relief, the navigation of its waters, on the 
most liberal terms; and hence the danger of delay, and especially the danger 
resulting from the possible re-appearance of a British Diplomat. And hence 
too, my conviction, that the present is the crisis when we must secure at 
once, this prize, if prize it be, or allow it to pass from our hands, for an 
indefinite future. 

When just on the point of closing this despatch, I have received from the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, with a request that they be forwarded to their 
destination, a communication addressed to yourself, which I here with trans- 
mit, and one addressed to my predecessor Col. Miller. The latter was pub- 
lished yesterday in the organ of the Government, "La Epoca", with a long 
editorial, from the pen of the Minister, in which he distinctly alludes, and in 
the most favorable terms, to the navigation of the Amazon, and to commer- 
cial through it, with the United States. This article leaves no doubt upon 
my mind, that the representations, which I have made, through private 



DOCUMENT 403: MARCH 3, 1854 25 

channels, of the feeling of my Government and people, and especially 
Maury's pamphlet, have produced a very marked commercial tendency 
towards us; which I shall endeavor to cultivate, and turn to account. It may 
be regarded also, as fortunate, and but just to him, to refer to it, that my 
predecessor made personally, a very favorable impression here, in striking 
contrast, with Col. Loyd. 
With high respect [etc.]. 

403 

John W. Dana,, United States Charge & Affaires at La Paz, to William L. 
Marcy, Secretary oj State of the United States l 

No. 6 LA PAZ, March 3, 1854. 

SIR: The proposed bearer to Tacna of my last despatch, 2 having deter- 
mined upon a route less circuetous, has delayed his departure from La Paz, 
until the present time, and I am thus afforded another opportunity, through 
the same channel, of communicating with my Government; and I avail 
myself of it, always feeling that each is the last. 

I am still without draft of treaty, or power to act, not having received one 
line from Government, family, or friend, since I sailed from New York, 
except despatch No. 3, 3 which came on the same steamer with me, and was 
delivered to me at Panama. 

More marked indications, of the kind feeling of the Government, towards 
the United States, and myself, reach rne daily, both through public, and 
private channels. The President speaks, very freely and openly, of the 
mutual interests of Bolivia and the United States of his desire and deter- 
mination to cultivate more intimate relations with them and of the people 
of the United States, as the efficient instrumentality to which he looks, for the 
establishment of steam navigation upon their rivers. This preference is so 
freely indicated, that it is a common remark to me, from those intimate with 
the President, that I can obtain, anything for my country I desire, from his 
Administration. 

On the 23 d ult, I presented my credentials to the Minister of Foreign Af- 
fairs, and was, on the same day, officially received by the President. With 
this I transmit a translation of the account of the presentation, 4 prepared, 
and officially communicated to me, by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and 
at the same time published in the papers of the City. By this you will 
perceive indicated, both on the part of the President, and Minister, a marked 
preference for the United States, over any other nation. 

On dining with the President on the 26 th Ult. a free interchange of views 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I. 2 See above, this part, doc. 402. 

3 This despatch, dated November 29, 1853, is in Instructions, Bolivia, vol. I, but was not 
copied because it does not relate to the subject-matter of this publication. 
4 This account appears in the manuscript volume, but was not copied. 



2 5 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

occurred, between him, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and myself, relative 
to the mutual interest of our respective countries. During this interview, 
I was informed, that the Government had recently received from the French 
Government, a communication relative to the navigation of Bolivian waters, 
by a French company. But the information was accompanyed by the ex- 
pression of a wish, to secure that object, through a North American Com- 
pany, rather than through any. other. 

Their idea obviously is, that immediate, regular steam communication 
cannot be secured, without granting, as an inducement, liberal concessions, 
in the form of land, money, or exclusive privileges, for a term of years. This 
view is undoubtedly correct, as steam navigation, either on the tributaries of 
the Amazon or La Plata, will terminate at points where there are no commer- 
cial towns: and although in the richest portions of Bolivia, yet not affording, 
at present, sufficient productions for a continuous commerce, because the 
necessary stimulus to production transportation and market, is wanting. 
Before a remunerating traffic can be had, transportation must act upon 
production, and production re-act upon transportation; each stimulating the 
other; until in a few years, under this process, Bolivia would afford as rich, 
and varied a basis for commerce, as any country in the world. Under these 
circumstances, the Government feels, and I think justly, that it will be under 
the necessity 7 of affording remuneration, in some form, to any company, 
which will attempt, and prosecute to a successful termination, this process 
of stimulating, and drawing out its productions. 

During the interview at dinner, of which I have spoken, the President and 
Minister expressed the intention, to arrange for an immediate line of steam- 
ers, upon the tributaries of both the Amazon, and La Plata, and the wish, to 
make those arrangements with the United States. At this point, the ques- 
tion was directly put to me, whether I was authorised to negotiate upon this 
subject. In reply I stated, that my Government was exceedingly desirous, of 
placing the United States, in commercial relations with Bolivia, rendered 
permanent by a treaty, such as would secure to us the right, and to them the 
benefit, of the free ingress of our commerce, to their rivers and ports; and 
such treaty, I was instructed by my Government to propose; but that, under 
its limited powers, it could not contract, either for itself, or for a company, 
to put, and continue a line of steamers upon their waters. I however ex- 
pressed the opinion, that proposals might be made by the Bolivian Govern- 
ment, in no degree onerous to them, which would, at the same time, afford a 
sufficient inducement to North American merchants, to enter into contract 
to supply them with what their interests so much require a continuous, and 
permanent line of steamers: and that they could, through them, attain this 
object, with a much less burthen than that, which Peru had imposed upon 
herself, for the same purpose, in her treaty with Brazil. In conclusion, I 
tendered to them every assistance, which I could inofficially render, in or- 



DOCUMENT 403 I MARCH 3, 1854. 27 

ganising a North American company, for the purpose indicated. The condi- 
tion of the country, its productions and markets, render it obvious, that 
steam can only be introduced continuously, and immediately, by a company 
induced to do so, by something beyond the mere profits of their present 
traffic: and I shall use my best effort, to secure to my own countrymen, what- 
ever contract, concession, or proposal may be made. 

If a company in the United States should contract to establish a line of 
steamers, through the Amazon to Bolivia, it would afford the best possible 
basis for our Government, in enforcing its claim upon Brazil, for the naviga- 
tion of that river. The question is now presented more in the light of a 
theoretical right; but in that event, it would become purely a practical one, 
and connected with circumstances justifying, and even demanding, its im- 
mediate solution. And beside, we could urge for such a company, not only 
our own right of navigation, but also that of Bolivia, with which it would be 
invested; thus presenting the question in the most formidable aspect possible. 

While upon this point, I would suggest, that Brazil be brought to a dec- 
laration of her intentions on this subject, with as little delay, as is practicable; 
so that we may not be prevented, by pending negotiations, from adopting 
any measures, which occuring circumstances may require. 

I cannot too strongly, impress upon my Government, the importance of 
this apparently isolated point Bolivia, in recovering our long lost political, 
and commercial influence in South America, where it should predominate. 
Great Britain has secured this influence to herself, by being in constant 
communication, and contact, with the whole line of Atlantic, and Pacific 
coast, through the medium of her steam navigation companies, which she 
has sustained, by obtaining from most of the Governments along their routes, 
some importan concessions, and exclusive privileges. But the wealth, and 
resources of South American are in her interior, and are now transported, in 
some instances from her navigable waters, over mountains and deserts, to the 
coasts, there to pay tribute to British merchants and steamers. Of this rich 
interior, Bolivia is the center, and holds the navigable head waters of the two 
great systems of rivers, which drain the whole. If our commerce comes 
here, through these channels, it must pass through, or by, every country in 
South American, but four, and far upon the route to three of those : placing 
us in like intimate contact with the whole producing interior, in stead of the 
barrier coast. So that in fact a permanent footing in Bolivia, opens to us 
the rich treasure of this continent, and restores to us the lost political and 
commercial influence to which we are entitled. 

With high respect [etc.]. 



28 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

404 

John W. Dana, United States Charge d 1 Affaires at La Paz, to William L. 
Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 8 LA PAZ, April 15, 1854. 

SIR: . , . The subject of the navigation of the Amazon sleeps as quietly, 
as His Imperial Majesty of Brazil could desire. On my arrival, I succeeded 
in awakening upon it an intense, and very general interest; but time and 
delay, growing out of the absence of power to act, have allowed that interest, 
in a measure, to subside. The Government is now preparing for a general 
tour of the Republic, on which it will leave La Paz in about two weeks, and 
arrive at Chuquisaca a short time prior to the meeting of Congress, on the 
6 th of August. The journey, and the session of Congress (an extra one) are 
undoubtedly, both intended to have a bearing upon the Presidential election, 
which occurs in May next, and the intervening time will probably, in a great 
measure, be devoted to subjects, and arrangements connected therewith. I 
therefore fear that the whole subject of the navigation of the Amazon is 
practically postponed, for at least a year, and perhaps never to be resumed 
under auspices so favorable, as have recently existed. 

I am, Sir, [etc.]. 



405 

John W. Dana, United States Charge d' Affaires at Sucre, to William L. 
Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States 2 

No. ii SUCRE, August 29, 1854. 

SIR: I have this day addressed a note to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 3 
advising him that I had received power from my Government to negotiate 
a treaty of commerce Ect.; and proposing to enter upon the subject as soon 
as the convenience of. his Government would permit. I also refered to 
my intention of which he was aware of soon leaving Bolivia, to return to 
the United States for my family, for the purpose of informing him that 
I would postpone that return, if the time required for arranging the details 
of a treaty, without inconvenience to his Government, should render it 
necessary. 

I have, for some time feared, that the approaching Presidential election 
would engross the attention of this Government, and render it, for the pres- 
ent, indifferent in relation to its foreign affairs; but now I should not be sur- 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. 2 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. 

*The document referred to does not appear in the manuscript volume; its contents are 
indicated in this despatch. 



DOCUMENT 405: AUGUST 29, 1854 29 

prised to find, not only indifference, but decided unwillingness to enter Into 
any alliance, commercial or friendly, with the United States. A very bitter 
feeling, towards us, prevails here at this moment, on account of our difficulty 
with Spain, and our alleged determination to rob her of Cuba. Some months 
ago, Walker's marauding expedition, and seizure of Mexican territory* was 
announced here, and commented upon as illustrative of the restless, lawless 
spirit of our citizens: next came a report, which was for some time believed, 
that our Government, instead of recognising and paying the just claims of 
Mexico, had declared war against her: exciting again the fear, which had 
somewhat subsided, of our aggressive policy toward the Spanish American 
States: closely following this were the representations, with which the 
French and English press has been filled, of our difficulty with Spain, our 
unreasonable demands, and the insolence with which they were pressed for 
the purpose of provoking a war and seising Cuba at this favourable juncture. 
All combined, these imaginary or discoloured events, succeeding each other, 
and reaching here, as all information respecting our country does, through 
the most unfrnedly [sic] channels, have excited the Spanish sympathy of race, 
and aroused anew, their somewhat subsided hatred and fear of the United 
States. 

The feeling among the people is very bitter, but I have not been able to 
satisfy myself fully, whether the President participates in it. On several 
occasions, I have recently endeavoured to lead him into the subject, by 
alluding to our relations with Spain, and the gross misrepresentations of the 
European press relative thereto ; but he apparently avoided it, expressing no 
opinions, only, once remarking that Cuba was now of but little value to 
Spain, as it costs her so much to protect it. Although this remark and his 
general silence are not conclusive; I regard them as indications that he does 
not retain the kind feeling toward the United States, which he had formerly 
so warmly and constantly expressed. His attention and politeness to me, 
personally, are still uniform and marked in this character. 

The Minister of Foreign Affairs, as I am privately advised, has recently 
remarked, that "if the North Americans could gain admission to Bolivian 
territory, through the Amazon, they would find it as desirable as Cuba, and 
become as restless to acquire it." * Late information leads me to the conclu- 
sion, that from the first, while the President was expressing a strong desire 
for arrangements with the United States which would result in opening 
the Amason, the Minister was privately opposed. He is supposed to be in 
the interest of foreign houses on the coast, and those in Bolivia connected 
with them. It remains to be seen, whether he will change the policy 
of the President, by taking advantage of the present state of public 
feeling. 

I have obtained from Mr. Bridoux,of Cochabamba, and from Mr. Williams, 
of this City, lists of books &ct, in the possession of each, belonging to the 



3O PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

Legation; copies of which will accompany this despatch. 1 The archives will, 
for the present, remain as now deposited, in the possession of those persons. 
With high respect [etc.]. 



406 

John W. Dana, United States Charge d' Affaires at Sucre, to Rafael Bustillo, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia 2 

[EXTRACTS] 
B SUCRE, September 6, 1854. 

SIR: The Undersigned, Charge d'Affaires of the United States, has the 
honour to acknowledge the reception of the note of His Excellency, the 
Minister of Exterior Relations, of the I st inst 3 ; but in its acknowledgement he 
cannot disguise, or withhold an expression of, profound regret, that it con- 
tains a refusal, on the part of the Government of His Excellency, to enter 
into treaty relations with the United States. . . . 

The Government of Bolivia, in a wise and expanded appreciation of its 
interests, has invited commerce to its ports upon the tributaries of the Ama- 
zon and La Plata. The general motive and necessity for treaty regulations, 
will be found there to apply, with peculiar force. If the uncertainty attend- 
ing the absence of such regulations, does not entirely prevent commercial 
intercourse through those channels, it cannot long be continued, without 
resulting in mutual misunderstandings and difficulties. 

Considering, as he has indicated, treaty relations essential, both to 
commerce and friendship; and considering too the incalculable benefits, 
especially to Bolivia, but not to Bolivia alone, of introducing to the markets 
of the world, its rich and varied productions, through the interposition of 
commerce, the Undersigned cannot refrain from deep regret, that that essen- 
tial aid to commerce, that strong bond of friendship, a treaty of commerce 
and friendship, should be denied. 

The United States daim, that the Amazon and La Plata, are great high- 
ways, on which the world may travel and transport. Bolivia, with emphatic 
force, asserts that these are the routes which nature gave it, through which 
to go and come, to buy and sell. The United States desire to carry to 
Bolivia the fabrics of their looms and their workshops; Bolivia offers, in 
return, the productions of its soil and its rivers an exchange full of profit 
to the one, and of growth and development to the other. Brazil (and per- 
haps other nations) stands between them, with its negative upon their 

1 The lists referred to appear in tlie manuscript volume, at the close of this despatch. 

2 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i, enclosed with Dana to the Secretary of State, No. 12, 
below, this part, doc. 407. 

3 This letter does not appear in the manuscript volume, but its character is indicated in 
this acknowledgment. 



DOCUMENT 406: SEPTEMBER 6, 1854 3! 

single, separately-asserted claims. Shall it continue, from want of concert, 
to shut out the one, and seclude the other to deprive the former of a com- 
merce which would increase their wealth, and the latter of markets, which 
alone are wanting, to give it equal rank with the most rich and productive 
nations? Or shall common interests make common cause, and by concerted 
action, present a united claim which no Government would have the hardi- 
hood, or the power to resist, and thus secure these obvious rights, privi- 
leges, and benefits? This concert of action, and its results, can only be 
secured by treaty. 

The United States, in seeking, as they do, intimate alliance and inter- 
course with the Spanish American Republics, has no interests in conflict 
with theirs, none which would not be advanced by their growth and pros- 
perity. A producing, but peculiarly a commercial and navigating nation, it 
desires exchanges of productions, and to be the carrier of the exchanges of 
others. On the contrary, the South American States are almost exclusively 
producers, and the greater their wealth and productions, the greater their 
exchanges and freights. But there is another, and more sacred bond, than 
that of interest. We are all Americans, and glory in the name of American 
Republics; and upon us, both severally and collectively, rests the respon- 
sibility of practically confirming, or denying the great doctrine, that man is 
capable of greater developement, nations of more rapid and substantial 
growth, under free, than under despotic institutions. In such a fraternity 
of States, the one that would retard the prosperity and strength of either, 
would strike a blow at the principle of its own existence. Thus, both from 
motives of interest and of principle, the United States most sincerely desire 
to witness, and if possible to accelerate, the advancement of the Spanish 
American Republics in all the elements of greatness and power. 

The Undersigned is aware, however, that his country has not always credit 
for these sentiments, but is often charged with the reverse, with a hostile, 
aggressive policy, with seeking power and aggrandisement, without regard 
to the rights of others. He is aware that the European press constantly 
teems with perversions of its objects and designs, with misstatements of its 
acts, and misrepresentations of their causes. He is also aware, and deeply 
regrets, that his country is known in South America, almost exclusively, 
through these channels. But, though pained to see it thus defamed, he is 
consoled with the reflection, that when the impartial history of its foreign 
intercourse shall be written, it will present a record of frankness, good faith, 
justice and forbearance in striking contrast with the disguises, subterfuges, 
wrongs and aggressions which characterise those nations, whose press now 
so bitterly malign and reproach it. 

The Undersigned cannot, in this communication, refute these wholesale 
misrepresentations, but hopes they may be regarded (and truly they should 
be) as made for sinister purposes, by rivals in commerce, and enemies to free 



32 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

institutions; and that they may not be permitted to weaken the force of the 
declaration, already made, that the United States both from motives of 
interest and principle, desire the advancement of the Spanish American 
Republics in greatness and power; nor be allowed to excite distrust in the 
assurance, that they especially seek lasting friendship and extended com- 
merce with Bolivia, under the conviction that the true interests of both 
require those relations. 

Such is the richness of the soil, and the salubrity of the climate, upon the 
borders of the navigable rivers of Bolivia, that its agricultural productions 
need only be limited by the market and demand, which commerce would 
create, while the United States are large consumers of the productions but 
adapted to that soil and climate, and unlike other commercial nations, have 
no intimate relations with any countries affording them. This condition of 
things indicates a peculiar unity of interests, and strongly urges the adoption 
of measures, which will result in establishing a more easy and extended social 
and commercial communication, between the two countries, especially 
through those rivers. And the Undersigned cannot deny himself the hope, 
that, should the internal quiet continue, which now so happily reigns in 
Bolivia, and the Government become relieved from the cares incident to a 
foreign war, it will find time and motive to mature a system of international 
intercourse, in which the United States may share, that will place its pro- 
ductions within the reach of the markets of the world; and thus, while ex- 
tending benefits to others, open a new and glorious era in the history of this 
interesting country, by adding this to its long list of liberal and enlightened 
measures. 

The Undersigned avails himself of this opportunity [etc.]. 



407 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to William L. 
Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States x 

No. 12 SUCRE, September 13, 1854. 

SIR: I advised you in my last despatch 2 that, on the 29 th ult., I addressed 
a note to the Minister of Exterior Relations, 3 proposing to enter upon the 
negotiation of a treaty of commerce &ct., between the United States and 
Bolivia. On the 3 d inst. I received a reply, bearing date the I 8t , in which 
the Government declines the proposed negotiation. The reasons assigned 
will be found in the translation of his communication attached, marked A. 4 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. * See above, this part, doc. 405. 

3 The document referred to does not appear in the manuscript volume, but its contents 
are indicated in this despatch. 

4 This communication does not appear in the manuscript volume. 



DOCUMENT 407: SEPTEMBER 13, 1854 33 

On the 6 th inst I addressed another note to the Minister, a copy of which 
will accompany this despatch, marked B. L 

This refusal very strangely contrasts with the frequent declarations made 
by the President, that he strongly desired to enter into more intimate rela- 
tions with the United States, and that he looked to that Government, as the 
means of relief from the interdiction, which Brazil interposed, to the use of 
their navigable rivers. 

He once remarked to me, that my Government did not exhibit its usual 
energy, in permitting Brazil thus to exclude it from the Amazon. I replied 
that, as yet, the pecuniary motive had not been sufficient to induce our 
vessels into the Bolivian rivers; and explained to him, that under the limited 
powers of my Government, it could not engage in a commercial enterprise 
of that kind, or offer inducements to others to do so; but that whenever 
sufficient inducements existed, or were created by Bolivia, I doubted not, 
that our merchants would be prompt to respond, and that my Government 
would be ready to give them the necessary protection. His remark would 
seem to indicate that he thought the Government of the United States could 
act directly, in establishing a line of communication and commerce with 
Bolivia, and if so, he was probably disappointed at my explanation, and 
might have concluded that no immediate results would be gained, by enter- 
ing into treaty relations with them. 

At another time, in speaking of the obvious mutual interests of Bolivia 
and the United States, and of the hostile position of Brazil to those interests, 
he proposed an alliance, offensive and defensive, between the two countries; 
but aware of the general policy of our Government to refrain from foreign 
alliances, I did not feel at liberty to encourage that idea, any further than 
that we should act in concert, in procuring a change in the policy of Brazil. 

My failure to respond, as perhaps he desired, to this suggestion, and rny 
explanation of the absence of power in my Government to act directly, in 
establishing commercial intercourse, may have withdrawn the very motives, 
which prompted his desire, for more intimate relations. But this is a matter 
of surmise, and I am still inclined to ascribe the change of policy, chiefly, to 
the hostile feeling now existing here, to which I refered in my last despatch. 2 

My first note to the Minister, proposing a treaty, and his reply, 3 were 
published in the official paper the day after I received the latter, with what 
motive I cannot explain, unless to gratify that popular feeling of hostility, 
by making public the fact, that the Government would not encourage com- 
mercial intercourse with the United States. The tone of the Minister's 
note, however, is entirely inoffensive, and expressive of friendship. My 
last note 4 has not been published, or answered; but it does not require an 

1 See above, this part, doc. 406. 2 See above, this part, doc. 405. 

3 The notes referred to do not appear in the manuscript volume. The content of Dana's 
note is indicated in this despatch. 

4 See above, this part, doc. 406. 



34 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

answer, unless it induces a change of policy, which I do not anticipate, at 
present. 
With high respect [etc.] 

408 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to William L. 
Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 18 LA PAZ, August 28, 1855. 

SIR: ... I deem it useful that this Legation be kept advised of the posi- 
tion of Brazil, on the subject of the navigation of the Amazon; and of that of 
the Governments on the La Plata and its tributaries, relative to the naviga- 
tion of those waters. 

The exploring expedition of Capt Page, of the Waterwitch, is a subject of 
much interest to the country; and its results, if favorable to navigation in 
Bolivia, should be communicated to me, at an early date, that I may be 
prepared to secure to my countrymen any concessions which this Govern- 
ment may be disposed to make, for the purpose of introducing commerce 
through that channel. 

Rumor speaks of negotiations, on the part of Great Britain, with the 
Government of Paraguay, for a grant, to the citizens of the former, of a large 
and fertile territory, bordering on Bolivia, and in part claimed by her. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 



409 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to the Minister of 
Foreign Affairs of Bolivia 2 

LA PAZ, September 19, 1855. 

SIR: The Government of the United States has long looked upon the 
Amazon and its tributaries as the great channel which nature had provided 
for the transmission, to the markets of the world, in an inexhaustible supply, 
of the rich and varied productions of their fruitful borders. Its citizens 
being peculiarly a commercial people, it sees for them a field for a vast com- 
merce in the interchange of the productions of a temperate, for those of a 
tropical climate, mutually advantageous to those engaged in it; and it sees 
too, a source of increased, and less expensive supply of the latter, the con- 
sumption of which, in the United States, is already immense. Actuated by 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. 

2 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i, enclosed with Dana to the Secretary of State, No. 20, below, 
this part, doc. 410. 



DOCUMENT 409: SEPTEMBER IQ, 1855 35 

these motives and views, it has constantly exerted its influence and efforts 
to induce the opening of these waters to the commerce of the world. 

But Brazil, with an acute appreciation of her own interests, and in dis- 
regard of the rights of other fluviatic States, has insisted upon considering 
the navigable waters within her borders, as exclusively her own, that she 
might thus monopolise the commerce, and the transportation of the pro- 
ductions, of that vast interior make her shipping ports the ports of entry 
and of export for all that it consumes, and all that it exports and thus 
render the countries which have equal rights upon those waters, and which 
have equal natural resources, her mere tributaries and dependents. 

At the moment when this vast question is, more than any other, engaging 
the attention of the commercial world, it is with extreme pleasure that the 
Undersigned, Minister Resident of the United States in Bolivia, has observed 
the broad, enlightened and statesmanlike views upon the subject, which His 
Excellency, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, had the honor to present to 
Congress, reiterating the declaration of the preceding Administration of the 
freedom of the rivers, and urging the application of the resources of the 
Government to its immediate realisation. The Undersigned was peculiarly 
impressed with the importance of the suggestion of His Excellency, that an 
effort be made to obtain concert of action among the fluviatic States. If 
such can be secured, as undoubtedly it may among all those which have 
jurisdiction over the tributaries, their joint action, added to the efforts of 
the whole commercial world, must be decisive in inducing Brazil to abandon 
her exclusive pretensions. If, under this suggestion, measures should be 
adopted resulting in opening these vast regions, to enterprise and commerce, 
His Excellency the Minister, would have reason to congratulate himself, 
that in such an important epoch, Providence had placed him in that elevated 
position, where His opinions would have an influence upon public affairs, 
and at the same time had gifted him with the mental scope and ability to 
adapt wise means to the accomplishment of great ends. Let this end 
be accomplished and Bolivia will date from the Administration of 
President Cordova a new era in her prosperity, and the world a new era 
in its commerce. 

In relation to the especial interest of Bolivia in connexion with the navi- 
gation of the rivers, permit the Undersigned to remark that Lieut. Gibbon, 
of the United States' Navy, who in the year 1852 descended the Bolivian 
rivers to the Madeira, and thence through that river and the Amazon to 
the Atlantic, and whose report has very recently been published, finds in the 
Madeira obstructions which cannot be passed by steamers, extending down- 
ward to about 150 leagues from its junction with the Amazon; and fixes at 
the termination of those obstructions the head of steam navigation upward; 
but he does not express an opinion of the practicability of removing those 
obstructions, or of avoiding them by canals. It is obvious however, from 



36 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

his discription of them, that the large class of steamers which would be used 
to navigate the waters below must terminate their route at that point; and 
that transportation thence to the navigable waters above, and the reverse, 
must be made in smaller steamers, if those obstructions can be sufficiently 
removed or avoided to permit their passage, and if not in canoes or balsas. 
The point thus indicated as the present head of steam navigation must, there- 
fore, ever remain the great point of delivery and transshipment of all goods 
and productions destined to or from Bolivia; and consequently presents 
itself as of vital importance forever to the commerce of the country. Brazil 
unquestionably owns the right bank of the Madeira, during its whole course, 
and all the maps of South America, whether European or American, give to 
the Peru the left bank, from the junction of the Beni and Mamore some 
distance downward, and the remainder of the left bank to Brazil, thus ex- 
cluding Bolivia entirely from jurisdiction over the Madeira. Brazil therefore 
holds jurisdiction, on one side of the river, over the territory where the ob- 
structions to steam navigation commence; and all along the course of those 
obstructions, and the maps assign to Peru a like jurisdiction on the other 
side. Under this state of things, in the event of the opening of the Amazon 
and its tributaries to foreign commerce, Bolivia will find itself without a 
port of entry without a point for the transshipment of goods and without 
the right to remove the obstructions which prevent the entrance of vessels 
within her acknowledged territory. But the Undersigned has been informed 
that Bolivia justly claims the left bank of the Madeira down to the 7 of 
south latitude an extent which would cover the head of steam navigation, 
as indicated by Gibbon, and give it jurisdiction over, and the right to remove 
all the obstructions which he found. 

The Undersigned has felt it his duty to place in the possession of His 
Excellency the information which he has derived, but recently, from the 
report of Lieut. Gibbon, because it gives to the question of .limits between 
Bolivia and Peru an importance which it would not otherwise possess, in- 
volving in fact, the question, whether Bolivia shall ever realise her hopes of 
communicating with the Atlantic through her rivers. And he does so at 
this time, because he infers from the report of His Excellency that negotia- 
tions will soon be opened for the adjustment of all questions at issue between 
the two Republics, which will present a favorable opportunity for the settle- 
ment of that of limits an essential step towards the accomplishment of 
the great object (the navigation of the rivers) which the Minister so elo- 
quently urges upon the consideration of Congress. 

In view of these obstructions to navigation, the scientific exploration 
which His Excellency recommends, would seem an essential preliminary 
step, for the purpose of determining the practicability and cost of removing 
them. In fact the suggestions which He has made embrace the whole sub- 
ject in all its magnitude, and the Undersigned will watch with interest the 



DOCUMENT 410: SEPTEMBER 26, 1855 37 

result, trusting that an object so long desired, and now so judiciously under- 
taken, will soon be happily consummated. 
The Undersigned avails himself of this opportunity [etc.]. 



410 

John W. Dana, United States Mi-roister Resident in Bolivia, to William L. 
Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 20 LA PAZ, September 26, 1855. 

SIR: I find in the Report of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, made at the 
opening of Congress now in session, remarks upon the subject of the navi- 
gation of the Amazon and its tributaries, which I deem of sufficient impor- 
tance to quote at length. . . . 

Although the Minister, in the above extracts, refers in general terms, to 
free navigation, yet he insists so strongly upon concert with all the fluviatic 
States, and manifests so plainly fear of usurpation and appropriation of terri- 
tory by others, that I am on the whole inclined to construe his opinions as 
favorable to the Brazilian policy of making the rivers free to those countries 
alone which occupy their borders; and I fear that the proposed efforts for 
concert of action, so far as his influence extends, will result in all the fluviatic 
States becoming a party to the treaty between Brazil and Peru, which de- 
clares the principle of freedom to themselves, and exclusion to others, and is 
open to the adoption of the other States. 

The Government of Brazil has, for years, directed its efforts and diplomacy 
to the object of securing concert of action upon this principle; well knowing 
that it would put to rest all the claims and pretensions of the commercial 
world, relative to their right to enter the Amazon ; and bring to a termina- 
tion, favorable to itself, all controversy upon the subject. 

The Government of Bolivia has hitherto, uniformly repeled the overtures 
of Brazil, and I fear that, should it now change its position, and propose and 
advocate a concert of action, upon the basis of the Brazilian policy, it would 
have a strong influence in inducing the other States to unite upon it; espe- 
cially as Brazil stands ready, upon the adoption of that policy, to give at 
once to each of them, what all so much desire, steam navigation upon their 
rivers. 

Fearing thus that this suggestion of the Minister might result in a move- 
ment disastrous to the great question of the free navigation of the Amazon, 
I addressed him a note upon the subject, in which, instead of suggesting the 
foregoing construction of his language, I thought it more judicious to ascribe 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. r. 

The quoted portion of the Minister's report was not copied. 



38 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

to him, (as his remarks permit) sentiments favorable to free navigation to 
present, in contrast with that of the United States, the policy of Brazil, and 
its effects upon the interior States, and to direct his attention to a concert 
of action among those States against that policy, as being the means of in- 
ducing Brazil to abandon it. With this I transmit a copy of the communi- 
cation marked A. 1 

I have also advised our Ministers at the capitals of the other fluviatic 
States, that the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia had suggested a confer- 
ence between those States on the subject of the navigation of the Amazon 
and its tributaries, and that they be on their guard to prevent the adoption 
of the Brazilian policy. 

If such conference be had, would it be desirable that during its delibera- 
tions, an invitation be extended to the Government of the United States to 
send an exploring steamer into those waters? Such an invitation would 
afford an opportunity to the United States to assert practically the right 
which it has long asserted on paper, and under as favorable circumstances 
as could be desired ; because it would be done in conjunction with those whose 
rights are unquestioned. If Brazil does not yield her pretensions to argu- 
ment and negotiation, (and that she never will do) such an invitation would 
afford us a perfect justification in the eyes of the world for passing through 
and breaking down the barriers against commerce which she has so long, and 
so unjustly maintained. And besides, these feeble interior States must look 
somewhere for sympathy and support in this conflict of interests with Brazil. 
If they fail to obtain it, they cannot secure their rights; and policy and duty 
would require them to accept the partial concession which Brazil tenders 
them, rather than see their beautiful rivers and rich valleys remain desolate 
and depopulated. Impressed as they are with the vital importance of steam 
navigation to their prosperity and progress, it is surprising that they have 
rejected, even until now, the proposals of Brazil: that they will long continue 
to reject them is not to be hoped; and their acceptance, upon the terms which 
Brazil exacts, (the exclusion of all exterior commerce) is the act of closing 
for ever those waters, by those who have the right to close them, against 
the commerce of the world, without leaving to other nations even valid 
ground for objection or complaint. The idea that so important a question 
hangs upon the action, prompted by the necessities, of these feeble States, 
excites in my mind great uneasiness and anxiety: and I fear that while we 
are patiently asserting our rights with Brazil, she is adroitly combining to 
undermine them, and will soon be able to prove to us and the world, that we 
have none. Time for exhausting the patience of these minor States is all 
she requires in accomplishing this; and whether that be longer or shorter the 
future must determine. 

In the event of a conference, such as has been suggested, between these 
1 See above, this part, doc. 409. 



DOCUMENT 411: DECEMBER I, 1855 39 

States, if it could be understood that the United States would be willing to 
send an expedition into the Amazon, for the exploration of its various tribu- 
taries, such an understanding would strongly tend to withhold them from an 
alliance with Brazil, because it would assure them of our support in pursuing 
the more liberal policy. But I dare not suggest this, without the authority 
of my Government, because if their expectations were excited and not real- 
ised, it would the more convince them that they had nothing to hope but in 
yielding to Brazil. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 

411 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to William L. 
Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States l 

No. 23 LA PAZ, December j, 1855. 

SIR: A short time since a friend transmitted to me privately, for my 
consideration and opinion, a copy of proposals from a French Co. for 
the improvement and navigation of the rivers of Bolivia. These proposals 
were presented to the Government through the Bolivian Charge d' Affaires 
in France, and the gentleman from whom I received the copy, enjoying highly 
the confidence of the Government, they were submitted to him, for his 
advice in relation to their acceptance. A translation and copy of the pro- 
posals is attached, marked A. 2 

As this project involves the concession, to that Co., of the exclusive use of 
all the waters of Bolivia for 99 years, I deemed it important if possible to 
prevent its acceptance, and accordingly presented the objections which 
suggested themselves to niy mind, in reply to the gentleman who favored me 
with the copy; presuming that, through him, those objections would reach 
the Government, and not feeling at liberty to address the Government 
directly upon the subject. I transmit herewith a copy of the communica- 
tion, marked B. 3 I have also made use of various other indirect influences 
to convince the Government that the object could be attained on more 
favorable terms. But I fear that there is a predetermination not to give a 
footing in the country, to citizens of the United States, by permitting them 
to participate in such an enterprise. 

I am advised by my informant that the Co. is organised with a capital of 
$10.000.000, and is prepared to engage at once in the work, as soon as the 
contract is closed. 

The inference from these facts is, that while Brazil is excluding us from 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. 

2 This enclosure appears, but was not copied; its contents are indicated in this despatch. 
8 This letter, dated at La Paz, November 3, 1855, from Dana to seiior Carlos Bri- 

doux, is printed Mow. Sr. Bridoux's letter covering the project for navigation, mentioned 
in the first paragraph below, was not found. 



40 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

the Amazon, it is permitting its navigation to others, and enabling them to 
secure the monopoly of the rivers above, to our permanent exclusion. 

The country remains quiet under the Administration of President Cordova. 
The prisoners taken in the recently attempted revolution have all been 
pardoned, and many of them have received public employment. 

With high respect [etc.]. 



412 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to William L. 
Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States ! 

No. 24 LA PAZ, December 5, 1855. 

SIR: The Minister of Foreign Affairs, in his recent report to Congress, 
alluded in very favorable terms to the exploring expedition of Lieut. Page, 
of the Water Witch, in the waters of La Plata; expressed the anticipation of 
his arrival in the Bolivian tributaries of that river and of much benefit to 
Bolivia from his exploration of its rivers. Translated extracts from his 
report on that subject are attached marked A. 2 

Late in Oct. I received a communication from Lieut. Page, dated Santiago 
del Estero, Sept. 5.,* informing me that the Government of Paraguy would 
not permit him to asend the Bolivian rivers with his steamer, and that he was 
on his way to Bolivia for the purpose of descending the Pilcomayo; and asking 
me to obtain from the Government permission, and assistance, in preparing 
the necessary canoes &ct, for the expedition; and informing me also that he 
should be detained in the further exploration of the Salado, so that he should 
not arrive at Sucre until late in Oct. 

On the reception of his letter I addressed a note to the Minister of Foreign 
Affairs apprising him of the intention of Lieut. Page, and expressing confi- 
dence of the co-operation of his Government. Accompanying this is a copy 
of the note marked B. 4 

Yesterday I received a reply from the Minister, with a copy of instructions 
which had been issued to the Prefect of the Department of Tarica, for the 
reception and assistance of Lieut. Page: translated copies of both which I 
transmit herewith marked C. & D. 5 

On the same day (yesterday) I was much disappointed in receiving a 
second letter from Lieut. Page, dated Salta Nov. I3., 6 informing me that he 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I. 

2 The extracts mentioned appear in the manuscript volume, but were not copied ; their 
contents are indicated in this despatch. 

s This communication does not appear in the manuscript volume. 

4 This note appears in the manuscript volume, but was not copied. 

5 The documents marked C and D both appear in the manuscript volume, but were not 
copied. 

8 This letter does not appear in the manuscript volume. The contents are summarized, 
here, however. 



DOCUMENT 413 : OCTOBER 17, 1856 4! 

had been occupied two months longer than he had anticipated In the exam- 
ination of the Salado, and in addition to that had received letters from the 
Water Witch, since his former date which must determine him to return to 
it, as soon as possible, and consequently to abandon the exploration of the 
Pilcomayo. 

I presume that Lieut. Page had sufficient reasons for abandoning the enter- 
prise, for in his first letter he manifested great anxiety and determination to 
accomplish it: neverless, I exceedingly regret that he was under the necessity 
of doing so, after permission and aid had been asked and freely tendered, 
and expectations had been excited which will now result in disappointment. 
I shall excuse the matter to the Government as well as my limited knowledge 
of the circumstances will enable me. 

With high respect [etc.]. 



413 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to J. de la Cruz 
Benavente, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia 1 

A LA PAZ, October 17, 1856. 

SIR: The Undersigned has the honor to be in possession of the note of 
yesterday of His Excellency the Minister of Exterior Relations, 2 and in reply 
regrets to say that his only information in relation to the steamer " Yerva" 
[Yerba] is a report, that it has been sent into the river Bermejo by a North 
American commercial company, for commercial purposes only. It is possible 
that the same motive will induce it also to visit the Pilcomayo, but this is 
doubtful, because the general impression is, that the Pilcomayo is much less 
favorable to navigation and commerce than the Bermejo; and the object of 
the owners of the " Yerva " [Yerba] will be merely to make a profit on its 
voyages, it being now entirely disconnected with the exploring expedition 
instituted by the Government of the Undersigned, under the direction of 
Lieut. Page. 

The undersigned regrets also to say that he is not in possession of informa- 
tion relative to the intention of his Government on the subject of continuing 
the exploration, which Lieut. Page commenced, of La Plata and its tribu- 
taries. Obstacles thrown in the way by the Governments of Brazil, and of 
Paraguay caused so much delay that he accomplished much less than was 
anticipated, or than he otherwise would have done, during the three years 
for which he was commissioned. 

It is reported that those obstacles are now removed that La Plata and its 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I, enclosed with Dana to the Secretary of State, No. 31, below, 
this part, doc. 417. 

2 The note referred to does not appear. In Dana's No. 31, he explains that he was unable 
to secure a satisfactory translation of this note, but that his reply would explain the contents. 



42 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

tributaries are open to foreign flags if this be true it is possible, and perhaps 
even probable, that the Government of the United States will order another 
exploring expedition into those waters. 

Aware of the patriotic interest which the Government of His Excellency 
feels in the exploration and navigation of the rivers of Bolivia, and desirous 
of contributing all in his power to the realization of an object of such in- 
discribable magnitude, the undersigned will, with pleasure seek information 
from his Government as to its further intentions upon the subject. He will 
also endeavor to obtain, from the Minister of the United States at Buenos 
Ayres, information in relation to the character and intentions of the com- 
mercial Company which has sent the "Yerva" up the Bermejo, and if 
possible induce them to attempt a like enterprise in the Pilcomayo. 

It may not be inappropriate to remark, that Lieut. Page, in his last com- 
munication to the undersigned, dated at Buenos Ayres, gave some facts in 
relation to his exploration which may be of interest to Bolivia, and for that 
reason he transmits herewith a paper containing extracts therefrom. 1 

It will be observed from those extracts, that Lieut. Page alludes to a claim 
of territory, set up by the Government of Paraguy, adverse, as he supposes, 
to the rights of Bolivia. In another portion of his letter he requests the un- 
dersigned to obtain for him, if possible, accurate information respecting the 
southern boundary of Bolivia, and especially how far down the river Paraguy 
the Bolivian territory justly extends. This information the undersigned has 
as yet been unable to obtain, and His Excellency will very much oblige him 
by refering him to the authorities or documents in which it may be found. 

The undersigned avails himself of this opportunity [etc.]. 



414 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to William L. 
Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States 2 

No. 27 LA PAZ, October 24, 1856. 

SIR: I received, a few days since, a Note from the Minister of Exterior 
Relations, 3 making enquiry in relation to the United States Exploring expe- 
dition in La Plata; whether it was the intention of the Government to renew 
it, and expressing great anxiety that it should be extended into the Pilcomayo 
and Bermejo, which have their sources in Bolivia, and discharge into the 
rivers Paraguy, the former rising near Sucre, the capital. 

I have replied to the Minister that I was unable to inform him of the 
intention of my Government in relation to the renewal of the Exploration; 

1 No copy of the paper referred to appears in the manuscript volume. 

2 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I. 

3 The note referred to does not appear. The same note is mentioned in note 2, above, 
this part, doc. 413. 



DOCUMENT 414: OCTOBER 24, 1856 43 

and explained to him the obstacles which prevented Lieut. Page from carrying 
out the intention he had expressed, of examining those rivers. 3 

Since that reply the Minister has conversed with me upon the subject, 
manifesting much anxiety that the exploration may be renewed and those 
rivers explored, and wishing me to communicate with my Government in 
relation to the matter, and obtain information of its intentions; which I 
promised to do. 

The success of Lieut. Page in determining the navigability of the Sal ado 
excited much interest here in relation to the exploration of the Bolivian rivers; 
and the abandonment of their intended exploration caused a corresponding 
disappointment. I am impressed with the idea, that, although Lieut. Page 
has done much toward the accomplishment of the design of the expedition 
under his charge, still, he has left much more undone; not from any neglect 
on his part, but from obstacles thrown in his way by the Governments of 
Brazil and Paraguy: which obstacles I am informed (though perhaps incor- 
rectly) do not now exist. 

As I understand it; the extent of his explorations is the river Salado, and 
the Paraguy 650 miles above Asuncion, to the Brazilian military post 
Curumba. To this point the Paraguy has always been supposed to be 
navigable, but is, for a great porportion of the distance, uninhabited. The 
great question of commercial interest in relation to that river is, whether the 
rich diamond and mineral regions of Brazil and Bolivia, the former containing 
a large population, can be reached through the upper waters, of the Paraguy 
and its large tributaries, the Cuyaba, St. Lorenzo, and Jauru, all supposed, 
but not known, to be navigable. With this important point in relation to 
the upper Paraguy and its tributaries unsettled the failure of the attempt 
to explore the Parana and its tributaries and the Pilcomayo and Bermejo 
and perhaps other navigable rivers not attempted, the remark would seem 
just, that, although much had been done infinitely more is still to be done, 
by the United States, or some other power, in opening those immense and 
productive regions to steam navigation and commerce. And, undoubtedly, 
if we are the instrument of confering upon the States interested so great a 
benefit, it would have a tendency in some degree to restore to us the influence 
and sympathy to which we are entitled, but of which we have long been 
deprived, by the intrigues of other powers. 

But I presume that your Department has, from the report of Lieut. Page 
and other sources, all the information necessary to determine its course in 
relation to the further prosecution of the exploration ; and I therefore refrain 
from more extended remark, merely asking to be enabled to communicate 
to the Government of Bolivia the information which it desires relative to the 
intention of my Government on the subject. 

With high respect [etc.]. 

1 For Dana's reply to the Bolivian government, see above, this part, doc. 413. 



44 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

415 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to William L. 
Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

No. 29 LA PAZ, October 25, 1856. 

SIR: Since closing my two despatches of yesterday, Nos. 27 & 28, 2 1 learn 
this evening, that the Govt. of Bolivia received this morning a communica- 
tion from that of Brazil, proposing to send here a minister with full powers 
to negotiate a treaty of limits, and in relation to the navigation of the 
Amazon. The object unquestionably is, to bring Bolivia to assent to the 
doctrine of the treaty between Brazil and Peru, that the right of navigating 
the Amazon and its tributaries belongs to the States through which they run; 
and to be used exclusively by them. To obtain this assent, Brazil will un- 
doubtedly be willing to assume an obligation, similar to that with Peru, of 
furnishing a line of steamers to Bolivia; and if necessary will probably yield 
to Bolivia certain territory now in dispute between them. If such proposals 
are made I presume that Bolivia will accept them if no mode of relief from 
the exclusive policy of Brazil, and no hope for the introduction of steam on 
the principle of the freedom of the rivers, is presented. Probably this is a 
part of a simultaneous movement upon all the States interested, and if suc- 
cessful, I suppose the result is, the permanent exclusion of the flags of all 
exterior nations ; consigning the rich regions which these noble rivers drain 
to the sleep of commercial death for centuries. 

I have heretofore urged upon this Govt. the benefits to be derived from 
making the rivers free to the commerce of all nations, and the dependent, 
secluded position the country must ever occupy under the exclusive policy of 
Brazil; but I have no authority to encourage them to resist this policy under 
the hope of present or future cooperation. 

This Govt. has indicated, in the last two or three weeks, a renewed interest 
in the navigation of the tributaries of the Amazon, as well as those of La 
Plata. In that time, the Minister of Exterior Relations has had several 
conferences with me on the subject of the former; and a few days since he 
addressed me a note, covering a series of questions in relation to the cost, 
construction &ct of 2 steamers adapted to shoals and rapids, such as Gibbon 
reports, and in relation to obtaining an engineer to estimate the cost and 
superintend the removing those obstructions; and requesting me to obtain 
answers to those questions, from some practical, experienced men in the 
United States. In compliance with this request, I transmit, by this post, a 
translation of the questions to a man in Maine 3 who I think will be able to 
give reliable information on the points required. 

But I fear, if Brazil should propose to do this work of moving obstructions, 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. 

2 For No. 27, see above, this part, doc. 414. No. 28 was not copied. 
8 No copy of these questions is filed in the manuscript volume. 



OCTOBER 416: NOVEMBER 15, 1856 45 

and furnishing steamers, that the Govt here, considering its limited means, 
would consent to relieve itself, from it, by adopting the exclusive policy which 
Brazil dictates, especially as it sees no mode of relief from that policy. 
With high respect [etc.]. 



416 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Juan de la Cruz 
Benavente, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia l 

C LA PAZ, November 15, 1856. 

SIR: His Excellency the Minister of Exterior Relations is undoubtedly 
aware that the late Congress of Plenipotentiaries at Paris adopted a "Decla- 
ration" in relation to maritime law, with a view to its general modification. 
The principles of the "Declaration" are as follows: 

i at Privateering is, and remains, abolished; 

2 d The neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the exception of contraband 
of war; 

3 d Neutral goods, except contraband of war, are not liable to capture under 
enemy's flag; 

4 tK Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effective; that is to say, 
maintained by a force really sufficient to prevent access to the coast of the 
enemy. 

At a subsequent sitting, the Congress resolved that these four principles 
should be regarded as indivisible; or in other words, that the adherence of 
any other power to a portion of these principles should not be accepted, un- 
less, at the same time, it was given fully to them all. 

Several of the Powers represented in that Congress have solicited the 
adhesion of the Government of the United States to the principles contained 
in that "Declaration". The Secretary of State has replied to that request 
by a note to the Count de Sartiges, the Representative, at Washington, of 
His Majesty, the Emperor of the French; a copy of which note His Excellency 
the Minister will receive herewith. 2 

It will be perceived that, while the Government of the United States fully 
approve of the 2 d 3 d & 4 th propositions of that "Declaration", and have in 
fact, for the last two years, urged the adoption of the 2 d and 3 d upon the 
maritime powers of the world, still it is precluded from giving its adhesion to 
those, because they are made inseparable from the i at , and because to that, 
in its present form it has insuperable objections. 

Those objections, briefly stated, are that the policy of the United States, 
as of all Republics, is adverse to a large army and navy in time of peace 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I, enclosed with Dana to the Secretary of State, No. 31, 
below, this part, doc. 417. 

2 There is no copy of this note filed in the manuscript volume. 



46 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

that in the event of war, their chief reliance for military operations on land 
is upon volunteer troops, and for the protection of their commerce upon a 
similar force; volunteers, from their mercantile marine, or in other words, 
privateers that there is no greater objection to their using, and no more 
reason for their depriving themselves of, this volunteer force upon the sea, 
than of the similar force upon the land that to surrender this right, would 
be to abandon their early established, and uniform policy of a small navy, or 
to leave their commerce constantly at the mercy of all naval Powers that 
the general surrender of this right, by the weaker maritime States, would be 
a surrender of the permanent and exclusive control of the sea, and with it, 
the commerce of the world to at most, two or three, or perhaps to one, the 
strongest Naval Power that such a monopoly of power, and of commerce, 
is hazardous to the peace and adverse to the interests and progress of the 
civilized world; and especially injurious to themselves, and to all other 
Powers, which do not aspire, by strong naval armaments, to the control 
of the seas. 

But while the Government of the United States, for these insuperable 
reasons, objects to the first proposition of the "Declaration", in its present 
form, it would very cordially assent to it, if so amended as to apply the same 
rules of exemption from capture of private property upon the sea, which 
have of late years obtained in relation to private property upon the land. 
And for the purpose of securing, to itself, and the world, such an amelioration 
of the belligerent code, and at the same time, of enabling itself to give its 
adhesion to the " Declaration", it has proposed, in the reply to the Count de 
Sartiges, an amendment of the first proposition by adding to it the following 
words: "and that the private property of the subjects or citizens of a beliger- 
ent on the high seas shall be exempted from seizure by public armed ships of 
the other belligerent, except it be contraband." It is to be hoped that the 
Powers which originated the "Declaration" may adopt this amendment, 
and thus secure to it, on account of its lenient and genial influences, the 
sanction and approval of an universal public sentiment ; instead of its being, 
as in its present form, an object of resistance to the weak, and an instrument 
of oppression to the strong. 

Such being the present position of this important question, the Govern- 
ment of the United States, always desirous of acting in concert and harmony 
with the sister Republics of the South, has instructed the undersigned its 
Minister Resident near the Government of Bolivia, to propose to it, to enter 
into an arrangement for its adhesion, with the United States, to the four 
principles of the "Declaration" of the Congress of Paris; provided the first 
is amended as specified in the note to the Count de Sartiges. 

If this amendment should unhappily be rejected, the Government of the 
United States will be consequently precluded from becoming a party to the 
"Declaration"; for so long as the rules of war continue to expose the prop- 



DOCUMENT 417: NOVEMBER 24, 1856 47 

erty of its citizens, to seizure upon the ocean, it never can forego the right, 
for its protection, to add, at any time, to its naval force, such volunteers 
from its mercantile marine as are termed privateers. In such an event 
the rejection of the amendment, and the consequent withholding its assent 
to the "Declaration" it is important to understand what would be the 
attitude, towards itself, 3 of neutral States, should it become involved in war 
with either of the Powers which are parties to the " Declaration' 7 . 

For this reason, the President of the United States, anxious to maintain 
cordial relations of friendship and frankness with Bolivia, has directed the 
undersigned to enquire, whether the adoption of this " Declaration ", by 
a portion of the maritime Powers, will produce any change in her policy as 
a neutral State? or whether the privateers of the United States, under the 
long and well established principles of international law, may not still con- 
tinue to find refuge and protection in her ports? It is true that Bolivia has 
now but one port open to foreign commerce; but it is to be hoped that the 
day is not distant when many others will be found accessible, and frequented 
by the marine of all nations, through her tributaries of the Amazon and La 
Plata; and this prospect of more extended international intercourse in the 
future, renders her position one of additional importance. 

Though the President does not seriously apprehend that the rights of the 
United States in regard to the employment of privateers will be affected, 
directly or indirectly, by the new state of things which may arise out of the 
proceedings of the Congress at Paris, yet it would be gratifying to him to be 
assured by the Government of Bolivia that no new complications in the 
relations with it are likely to spring from those proceedings. He trusts that 
so long as Bolivia is, and he anxiously desires that she should ever be, a 
friendly Power, her ports will be, as they heretofore have been, a refuge from 
the dangers of the sea and from attack, as well for its privateers as for mer- 
chant vessels and national ships of war in the event of hostilities between his 
country and any other Power. 

The undersigned avails himself of this occasion [etc.]. 



417 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to William L. 
Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

No. 31 LA PAZ, November 24, 1856. 

SIR: In my despatch No. 30 2 I acknowledged the reception of yours 
(No. n) relative to the subject of the change of maritime law proposed by 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. 

2 This despatch appears in the manuscript volume, but contains no material pertinent to 
this publication. 



48 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

the "Declaration" of the Congress of Paris. 1 On the 15 th inst I complied 
with your instructions by addressing a note to the Minister of Exterior Rela- 
tions, a copy of which marked C. I transmit herewith, though for conven- 
ience under a separate cover. 2 No reply has as yet been received. 

In my No. 27 3 1 refered to a note from the Minister of Exterior Relations 
making enquiries in relation to the steamer " Yerva" in the river Bermejo, 
and the further exploration of that and other tributaries of La Plata. And 
in my No. 30 4 1 refered to another note from the Minister covering a series 
of questions relative to the construction, cost &ct of steamers adapted to 
rapids and shoal water. I have been unable to obtain satisfactory transla- 
tions of these notes to transmit to the Department, as required, but my 
replies will explain their contents, copies of which you will receive herewith, 
marked A & B. 5 

I was requested by Lieut. Page of the U. S. Exploring expedition in La 
Plata to obtain and communicate to him information in relation to the 
actual southern limits of Bolivia. His letter 6 was a long time reaching me, 
mislaid somewhere on the route; but since its reception I have endeavored, 
without sucess to find, from authentic sources, the information desired. In 
my note to the Minister, the copy of which is marked A., I request him to 
refer me to the authority or document in which the limits are described, but 
as yet I have received no answer to the request. In fact I doubt whether 
they have any authorities to which to refer me, for their northern, eastern, 
and southern limits are in dispute, and probably have never been defined. 

With high respect [etc.]. 



418 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Juan de la Cruz 
Benavente, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia 7 

A LA PAZ, February 27, 1857. 

SIR: The undersigned, Minister Resident of the United States in Bolivia, 
has observed in the "Epoca" of a recent date a communication from the 
Legation of the Republic Costa-Rica in Lima, addressed to His Excellency 
the Minister of Exterior Relations of Bolivia. 8 The motive of that communi- 
cation the adoption of means for the preservation of the independence 

1 This instruction, No. 1 1, dated August 29, 1856, is the same as one of the same date, from 
the Secretary of State to James A. Peden, U. S. minister at Buenos Aires, for which see 
above, vol. i, pt. i, doc. 34. 

2 See above, this part, doc. 416. 3 See above, this part, doc. 414. 

* This despatch appears in the manuscript volume, but was not copied. 

6 For the enclosure marked A, see above, this part, doc. 413. Enclosure B appears in the 
manuscript volume, but is not included in the present publication. 

* No copy of this letter was found in the manuscript volume. 

7 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I, enclosed with Dana to the Secretary of State, No. 34, below, 
this part, doc. 420. 

8 For translated extracts of this communication, see note I, below, this part, doc. 419, p. 60. 



DOCUMENT 418: FEBRUARY 27, 1857 49 

and integrity of the Spanish American States is an object both honorable 
and just; but however much the occasion may require the protective meas- 
ures proposed, it cannot justify the gross misrepresentations of the policy 
and acts of a sister Republic (the United States) which that communication 
contains. The undersigned is accustomed to see daily, and with indifference, 
these calumnies promulgated by the press and periodicals of the Monarchies 
and Despotisms of the old world, knowing that they originate in jealousy, 
and fear of the result upon themselves of the success of the experiment of 
self-government in the new; but when he sees them adopted and officially 
announced by a State which has, if not a common origin, a common interest 
with his own in the result of this grand experiment to which tyrants are 
looking with dread, and the opprest with hope when he sees these calumnies 
adopted and officially announced by a sister Republic, against a sister 
Republic, he is filled with deep pain and regret; for if the feelings and preju- 
dices of the Republican States of the New World can be excited against each 
other if they can be made to regard each other as rivals and enemies instead 
of friends, then the objects of the Governments of the old world will be ac- 
complished by making them the fatal instruments of their own distraction. 

These considerations, added to the deep interest which he personally feels 
both in the Government and people of Bolivia to his high appreciation of 
their good opinion and kind feeling towards himself and his country and 
above all, to the strong feeling animating the Government and people which 
he represents for the most intimate and cordial relations with the Spanish- 
American States a combination of all these motives has prompted the 
undersigned to endeavor to remove, by a reference to facts, the unfavorable 
impressions which the note of the Ministers of Ct>sta Rica is calculated to 
produce ; and as their aspersions have been given to the public a like publicity 
to their reputation would seem to be just. 

Their note in substance asserts, that the events now occuring in Nicaragua 
are but another scene in that "sad drama" in which had previously been 
represented the "annexation of Texas, the invasion of Mexico, and the 
occupation of California", thus directly charging upon the United States' 
Government the responsibility of Nicaraguan occurrences, and then charac- 
terizing those, and the others, as "atrocious acts 11 , "infringing every 
principle of the rights of man and of society," and as "most tyranical and 
scandalous deeds of vandal filibustering". If the undersigned believed that 
his country merited this language he would forever disown and abandon it. 
But what are the facts, freed from European distortions and perversions? 
And first in relation to Texas? 

Texas was originally one of the States of the Mexican Republic, enjoying, 
with all the other States, certain rights of State Sovereignty under their 
constitution, independent of the General Government. After one of the 
revolutions which unhappily have so frequently disturbed that country, all 



50 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

the powers which the constitution conceded to the State Governments were 
usurped, and concentrated in the General Government. To this usurpation 
Texas, with many others of the States, objected, not at first by force, but by 
a long series of remonstrance and negotiation with the General Government 
through commissioners sent to the capital for that purpose. At length, 
remonstrance and negotiation failing, it resorted to forcible resistance of 
the usurped powers, but still recognising the obligations to the General 
Government which the constitution imposed. During two years of, first 
peaceable, and then forcible, resistance of these usurped powers no proposi- 
tion was made for a separation from the Republic, and there is nothing which 
indicates that the resistance was interposed with that intention; but on the 
contrary the evidence is that it made long and earnest efforts to remain in 
the Republic enjoying its constitutional rights. These efforts failing, and 
no alternative remaining but unconditional submission to the central power, 
the determination was at last formed and asserted for a separation, and an 
independent political existence. Having declared, and for a time main- 
tained its independence, application was made to the leading Powers, and 
among others to the United States, for its recognition as one of the fraternity 
of nations; but the Government of the United States, influenced by the wish 
to refrain from any act which might be construed into an offence against 
Mexico, denied the request, and withheld recognition, until after Texas had 
been recognised, and had actually established treaty relations with several 
of the European Powers. This independent existence continued for about 
eight years, and during these eight years three several applications were 
made to the Government of the United States for admission into the Union, 
and three times those applications were rejected, until at length, annoyed 
and irritated by these repulses, it turned to Great Britain, and was upon the 
point of forming an alliance which would have made it a mere dependency of 
that Power. Was it the duty of the United States, from feelings of courtesy 
towards Mexico, to stand by longer and see a territory, over which it had long 
ceased to exercise jurisdiction, pass into the hands of their great maritime, 
and commercial rival, when that territory commanded, in a measure, the 
mouth of the great outlet of their productions, the Mississippi river, and also 
navigable tributaries of that river, through which any enemy at any moment 
might make a descent upon its great centers of commerce and population? 
Did courtesy towards Mexico require that sacrifice which, even if made, 
would have ensued to the benefit of others not Mexico? At this juncture 
in the affairs of Texas with this motive pressing upon them, the United 
States gave their assent to its annexation. By this act was any wrong done 
to Mexico? Texas had not only declared, but had shown to the world its 
ability to maintain its independence; Mexico had long ceased to exercise 
jurisdiction over it; and seeing this, the world, in accordance with every 
principle of international law, had recognised it as an independent State. 



DOCUMENT 418: FEBRUARY 27, 1857 51 

If an independent State, it had a right to form alliances at pleasure, and that 
it was such a State, all the leading powers have agreed. If the United States 
committed a wrong to Mexico by anexing it, all other nations had, much 
earlier, committed a like wrong by recognising it, and by treating with it as a 
State. Their acts form a perfect endorsement of the subsequent act of an- 
nexation if the United States erred, the leading Powers of the World erred 
with them the claim of Mexico was against the universal judgement thus 
expressed. It is true that Mexico had not formally relinquished its claim of 
jurisdiction; this attribute, and this only, of perfect sovereignty was lacking: 
but it is also true that, up to that time, Spain had not relinquished its claim 
to jurisdiction over Mexico; if this defect of title to sovereignty was valid 
against the one, it was equally valid against the other both were, of right, 
mere colonies of Spain, and the wrong, if any, in the annexation of Texas, 
was against Spain, not Mexico. 

After the annexation was fully consummated, and all the United States 
had thereby assumed obligations to Texas, as one of the States of the Union, 
from which they could not relieve themselves, Mexico, ignoring the very 
principles upon which rested its own claim to nationality, and repelling all 
efforts for an amicable adjustment, made war upon the United States by the 
invasion of Texas. At first the United States Government confined its mili- 
tary operations within the territory, and to the defense of that State; and 
during that time made use of every appliance which human wisdom could 
suggest to avoid the alternative of war. In fact such means, direct and 
indirect, were resorted to to avoid that war, as would have fixed indelibly the 
brand of cowardice upon the country, if the same efforts had been made to 
avoid a war with a nation confessedly its equal in power and resources. The 
undersigned would digress here to express his confident belief, that those ef- 
forts would have been successful, and that war would not have occured 
between the two countries, if the policy of Mexico had not been influenced 
by trans-Atlantic promptings, the authors of which would have had no 
regrets at seeing both Republics prostrated by the collision which they 
produced. These same influences for estrangement and hostility are still, 
and continually, at work in the whole extent of Spanish America, through 
every possible channel of contact, or communication; and their indirect, but 
poisonous, effect is visible in the sentiments of the note of Costa Rica. 
Having gone almost to the verge of shame in their pacific efforts, and finding 
still no alternative but war, the United States abandoned their defensive 
policy, and carried the war into the territory of Mexico; but even then the 
army never advanced a league without being accompanied with authority to 
negotiate a peace, on the most liberal terms; whenever the sword was drawn, 
then the olive-branch was simultaneously extended; and even at the very 
gates of the capital their victorious army was staid in its pursuit of the re- 
treating enemy, and a truce extended, to give the Mexicans an opportunity 



52 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

of avoiding the mortification of a triumphant entry to the city, by arranging 
terms of peace. But this time, conceded to peace, was occupied by them in 
preparing new defences, so that it was necessary to conquer again, the city, 
once already won, and that too in the most bloody and fatal battle of the 
war truly an offering of the best blood of the army on the altar of mag- 
nanimty and peace. 

The occupation of the city of Mexico was the final blow which laid the 
Republic prostrate, and gave the United States entire control over Govern- 
ment, people, and revenues; in fact it was then a conquered country entirely 
at the mercy of the conqueror ; but how did he use his power? The usages of 
war entitled him to retain and hold it as a conquered country but this right 
he waived. The usages of war gave a claim for remuneration, in money, or 
in territory, for the expenses of the war but this right too he waived all 
he demanded was what he asked at first peace and good-neighborhood. 
The cession of California was neither claimed or made in consideration of the 
expenses of the war, nor as one of the conditions of peace; it was a purchase 
and sale, just as freely made, as a subsequent purchase and sale of additional 
territory, between the same parties. Instead of appropriating it in remuner- 
ation for the expenses of the war, as they might have done with perfect 
justice, and as they are represented as having done, the United States pur- 
chased it, at the cost, in direct payments and obligations assumed, of nearly 
thirty five millions of dollars a price far higher than any disinterested 
parties would at that time have estimated its value, its wealth in gold not 
having then been discovered. This liberal policy was adopted toward Mex- 
ico because it was an adjoining State with which the United States desired 
intimate and cordial relations; but especially because it was a sister Republic. 

And such is the true history, although the European press does not thus 
write it, of the "annexation of Texas, the invasion of Mexico, and the occu- 
pation of Calif ornia T> ; and can they be justly characterised as "most tyran- 
ical and scandalous deeds of vandal filibustering "? The undersigned does 
not hesitate to assert, and without the slightest fear of well founded contra- 
diction, that, from the earliest page of history down to the present moment, 
the annals of international intercourse do not afford a parallel to the pacific, 
forbearing, unexacting policy which the United States have exhibited to- 
wards Mexico; and thus will the unprejudiced future historian record those 
events. 

The Ministers of Costa Rica allude to the occurrences in Nicaragua as 
another scene in the same "sad drama" with "the annexation of Texas, 
the invasion of Mexico, and the occupation of California", thereby charging 
directly the responsibility of those events upon the Government of the 
United States. How far that charge is just let facts not prejudiced opinion, 
and suspicion determine. 

A revolution was made by a portion of the native citizens of Nicaragua 



DOCUMENT 418: FEBRUARY 27, 1857 53 

against the existing Government, and was continued, with various successes 
and disasters, but without a definite result, for about a year, when the revolu- 
tionary party, without the knowledge of the Government of the United 
States, by the offer of large grants of land, in addition to liberal pay, induced 
Walker, a private citizen, with others, fifty six in all (some citizens and some 
foreigners) to go to their assistance. After their arrival, and with their aid, the 
capital, Grenada, [Granada] fell into the hands of the revolutionists; and they 
were thus placed in position to treat with the Government party. The result of 
the negotiation was the restoration of peace, and the establishment of a new 
Government, by the consent and agreement of the two parties, in which both 
were represented, with President Rivas at the head, and Walker General in 
command of the army. After the organisation of this Government no other 
existed, even nominally, in the country, and the United States were obliged 
to continue their Diplomatic intercourse with that, or discontinue it alto- 
gether. During the whole period of its existence, the Government of the 
United States has acted, uniformly and invariably, upon the principle of 
recognising in every country with which it had Diplomatic relations whatever 
Government might exist, without questioning its character, or origin, and 
without waiting any length of time for evidence of its permanency the only 
question which its decision ever involved was the question of its being, at 
the time, the Government de facto. Under this fixed rule the Government 
of the United States was not only the first to recognise the late Republic of 
France, but was also the first to recognise the Empire, when established upon 
the ruins of the Republic. Can the last prompt recognition be charged to 
sympathy with a movement which crushed a Government similar to itself, 
and established one perfectly antagonistic in all its features? or must it not 
rather be credited to a determination to act upon fixed principles, uninflu- 
enced by circumstances? But, fixed and binding as the principle was upon 
the Government of the United States, both from policy and from early tradi- 
tion, it swerved from it, for the first time in its history, in the case of Nicaragua. 
The Minister of the United States then in Nicaragua, aware of theinvariable 
uniformity of the action of his Government on that subject, and in accord- 
ance with it, recognised at once the Government of Rivas; but his Govern- 
ment refused to confirm his act; ordered him to withdraw Diplomatic inter- 
course from the Rivas Government; and refused to receive the Minister which 
that Government sent to the United States, notwithstanding it was quietly 
exercising all the functions of Government, without resistance from any 
quarter, and without any pretence that another Government existed; and 
notwithstanding also, that the citizens of the United States had important 
interests at stake in that country, demanding the prompt attention of the 
Government through its Minister. In thus withdrawing the Diplomatic 
intercourse which consistency with its uniform action, as well as the interests 
of its citizens demanded, the Government of the United States was influenced 



54 PART III COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

by doubts of the stability of the Government, arising from the fact that 
foreigners had aided in its establishment; and by feelings of courtesy toward 
the native sentiment of the country, if it should be found hostile to it. After 
about eight months of delay, for additional evidence of its stability, or for 
discontent to manifest itself, if it existed, the Government still continuing 
perfectly stable, and the people apparently perfectly acquiescent, the Gov- 
ernment of the United States resumed through that Government the Diplo- 
matic relations which had always existed with the country. 

From these facts the enemies of the United States, if it suited their purpose, 
might well deduce a cold, indifferent, even hostile policy towards Walker, and 
the Rivas Government; but not the slightest evidence on which to found 
even a suspicion?] of sympathy, or interest. Those who can appreciate such 
motives will only see in them a high, scrupulous regard for international obli- 
gations, uninfluenced by either hostility, or sympathy. 

But this is not all, soon after the recognition of the Rivas Government a 
rupture occurred, and Rivas was displaced, and Walker assumed the Presi- 
dency. The recognition, which had been tardily extended to the Rivas 
Government, was at once withdrawn from that of Walker and that state of 
things continued at the latest dates from the United States. If this series of 
events indicates anything more than an honest discharge of international 
duty towards Nicaragua if it indicates feeling in relation to Walker and 
his enterprise, it is surely not that of sympathy, but of deep hostility. 

But other circumstances are used to fix upon the Government of the 
United States the charge of complicity with his cause. It is said, and truly 
said, that large numbers of its citizens have gone to Nicaragua to his assist- 
ance. The Rivas Government, and after it that of Walker, continued the 
policy, first adopted by the revolutionists, of offering large bounties of lands 
and mines to foreigners who would come to the country. That system of 
bounties has induced some thousands of citizens and foreigners to leave the 
United States, and go to Nicaragua. Over this emigration the Government 
has no control; such is the state of personal freedom, that any man, whether 
native, or foreign born, may, without question or hindrance, come to the 
United States, reside there, or leave there, at pleasure. Every man within 
their limits may emigrate voluntarily to Nicaragua, or any other country, in 
any capacity he pleases, civil, or military, even to their entire depopulation, 
and the Government can offer no impediment. But if an attempt is made, 
either by natives or foreigners, to withdraw any portion of the population by 
organising, or enlisting them for foreign military service, then the Govern- 
ment can interpose its arm. This attempt has several times been made by 
the agents of Walker, and, as often as made, has been frustrated, by the direct 
action of the Government. So long as Great Britain, in its recent effort to 
raise a foreign legion, confined itself to receiving, in its own territory, those 
who went voluntarily from that of the United States, no objections were 



DOCUMENT 418: FEBRUARY 27, 1857 55 

interposed, because the Government had no power to interpose them; but, 
at the moment when the operations extended to enlistment within their 
territory, then its rights and duties changed the Government interposed 
and then, and not till then, arose the question which so seriously involved 
the two countries. Neither under its municipal, or international law, could 
the United States' Government interfere to prevent voluntary emigration, 
even for military purposes, either to England, or Nicaragua; but with enlist- 
ment, or organization it had the right to interfere, and exercised it, to its 
fullest extent, toward both. 

It is charged too, and it is true, that arms and munitions of war have been 
sent from the United States to Nicaragua. It is also true that, during the 
late European war, arms, munitions of war, and a large portion of their 
transport ships were furnished from the United States to the Allies; but 
it caused no complaint, on the part of Russia, as a violation of neutrality, 
and for the very good reason that it was a perfectly legitimate traffic, sanc- 
tioned by every principle of international law, subject only to the hazard of 
the seizure of the property, as contraband of war a traffic which no Govern- 
ment, with the slightest pretensions of freedom to its citizens, or subjects, 
ever attempted to interdict. Precisely what the Government of the United 
States permitted toward the Allies, it has permitted toward Walker and 
because it had no power to prevent it toward either; and precisely what it 
prohibited toward the Allies, it has prohibited toward Walker, and because 
it was its right, and its duty to prohibit toward both. Having no power, 
under its own laws, or the laws of nations, to interfere with the shipment of 
arms to Walker, it indicates no sympathy with his cause by Tzcw-interference. 
Gen 1 Castilla is supposed to have had a large number of North Americans in 
his army when he made the successful revolution against the Government of 
Echenique, in Peru; thos-^ now in revolution against his (Castilla's) Govern- 
ment have been furnished with arms by citizens of the United States. Do 
either of these facts indicate a sympathy on the part of that Government, 
either for or against, the Government of Castilla? or do they merely indicate 
freedom of person, and freedom of trade? 

It is charged too that the line of steamers between New York and San 
Francisco, making the transit of the Isthmus through Nicaragua, was al- 
lowed to be freely used by Walker for the transportation of troops from both 
those points. In reply to this charge it is only necessary to state the fact, 
that Walker has seized their ships, confiscated their property, and annuled 
their charter. Is this an act toward a friend and instrument, or an enemy? 

It is a fact recently made public that Walker accredited a Minister to 
England, with private instructions to solicit the aid of that Government in 
building up a strong Power in Central America, and Mexico, combined, that 
would stop the growth and expansion of the United States; and manifesting 
in those instructions the strongest hostility to that country. How can this 



56 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

fact be reconciled with the charge that that Government is violating its duties 
and obligations in giving him aid and support? 

But all these circumstances and explanations, conclusive as they are, are 
trivial, when compared with one great fact, which must be regarded as irre- 
sistible against the charge of the Ministers of Costa Rica, which charge, 
stated in plain terms, is that the Government of the United States is 
aiding Walker to make the conquest of Nicaragua with a view to its annexa- 
tion. The language of the note clearly indicates this, and aside from this 
motive, none can exist for the alleged participation in his operations. The 
conclusive fact referred to is, that even if Walker meets with perfect success, 
that success cannot ensue, in any event, to the benefit of the United States, because 
they have voluntarily, entirely, and forever, precluded themselves from exercising 
any jurisdiction, or sovereignty in the country. This fact shown and known, 
and they must stand confessedly above suspicion. In the year 1850 the 
Government of the United States entered into a treaty with Great Britain, 
in which they mutually bound each other, that neither party would ever 
" occupy, fortify, colonize, or exercise any dominion, in any part of Central 
America 1 '. The language in which the treaty was written does not afford 
other words so strong and unequivocal with which to express the entire and 
permanent exclusion of both parties from the territory named. To this 
treaty the Government of the United States was neither coerced, or urged; 
but on the contrary invited, urged, and at length induced, the Government of 
Great Britain to join in the obligation of entire exclusion. What justice then 
is there in the allegation, or ground even for the suspicion, that the United 
States have designs upon Central America? Entertaining such designs, 
would they have voluntarily added, to the necessary obstacles in the way of 
their accomplishment, the necessity of violating a solemn treaty with Great 
Britain, and the consequent necessity of a war with the strongest maritime 
Power of the world? The supposition is impossible, and the conclusion 
irresistible, that in 1850 the United States had no designs upon Central 
America. 

But hostility, in its pertinacity, may still suggest that the alleged designs 
have had their origin since that date. To this suggestion subsequent events 
connected with that treaty afford an answer, equally conclusive. After the 
ratification of the treaty the Government of Great Britain still continued to 
retain possession of, and to exercise jurisdiction over, territory in Central 
America; against this violation of the treaty the Government of the United 
States remonstrated; but Great Britain persisted, claiming that the treaty 
did not require them to abandon existing possessions, but only precluded 
them from further acquisitions. In a discussion of the subject in the United 
States* Senate, during the last year, that body was unanimous in the opinion 
that the construction adopted was a gross violation of the spirit and letter of 
the treaty; and, in consequence of that violation, one Senator proposed to 



DOCUMENT 418: FEBRUARY 27, 1857 57 

annul the treaty, and leave the United States free to take advantage of the 
present condition of Central America, in carrying out a system of occupation 
and colonization in that country. To that proposition no other Senator 
assented; and, instead of seizing upon this favorable and justifiable oppor- 
tunity for relieving itself from its obligations of exclusion, the Government of 
the United States insisted, even to the very point of war, upon holding Great 
Britain, and consequently itself, firmly to those obligations. Thus in 1856, 
as well as in 1850, these alleged designs of the United States vanish before the 
light of truth mere spectres, conjured up by the magic wand of the spirit of 
detraction, inspired by jealousy and hate. 

The determined attitude assumed by the Government of the United States 
has at length induced Great Britain to yield, and to surrender, to the States 
of Central America, the important territories of which they had been de- 
prived; and nearly at the same date, when the Ministers of Costa Rica pencil 
their libel against the Government of the United States, the Minister of 
Honduras was generously making acknowledgments for the assistance and 
supports which the same Government had rendered to his State in the 
recovery of its territory. 

While the Government of the United States is thus standing as the cham- 
pion of the principle of the inviolability of Central America using all its 
constitutional powers at home and hazarding too, a conflict, fearful in its 
consequences, with a foreign Power, in the maintenance of this principle the 
aspersions, and the calumnies contained in the note of the Ministers of 
Costa Rica should have eminated from any other source sooner than from a 
State comprised within the limits of that same Central America. 

Without entering upon a defence of Walker, the question very naturally 
and forcibly presents itself, whether the chief burthen of censure should fall 
upon him, or upon those citizens of Nicaragua who, taking up arms against 
the Government of their own country, invited aliens to come and aid them in 
its prostration? All large commercial cities contain a population composed, 
in part, of men unoccupied, restless, and adventurous; of such cities, and men 
the United States have their share; and if men of position, rank, and wealth, 
in neighboring States, bound by the sacred obligations of society and of citi- 
zenship, disregard those obligations rebel against their Government and 
invite, by large rewards, that population to their standard, can it be a matter 
of surprise that they, restrained by no such obligations, and enjoying no such 
favors of fortune, should yield to the temptation thus presented? And on 
which should impartial justice fix the responsibility for the mischiefs that 
ensue? Surely not entirely upon the latter, nor in any degree, upon the 
people, or the Government of the country which they have been thus 
induced to leave. All history is replete with teachings of the dangers of 
these civil feuds, and especially with warnings of the consequences of an 
appeal to strangers/ when these feuds exist; and if the people of a State will 



58 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

disregard these teachings, and warnings, they must abide the consequence 
which their disregard have invariably produced; and they must submit too, 
to the universal judgement, which has always placed the responsibility for 
those consequences upon the unpatriotic citizen not upon the invited 
stranger. 

The undersigned feels that an apology is due to His Excellency, the Minis- 
ter, for the length of this communication; but the charges against his Gov- 
ernment, contained in the note upon which he has commented, although 
briefly stated, apply to a long series of acts, extending through a long series 
of years, and he could not do justice to his own feelings, or to his Govern- 
ment, without refering to them and explaining them at length. 

If there is one feeling, paramount, and stronger than all others, influencing 
the Government of the United States in its foreign intercourse, it is, that the 
Republics of America, South and North, should stand together as a fraternity 
of States, encouraging, aiding, and sustaining each other in the experiment 
of self-government of which this new world is the theater; for, watched, and 
opposed, as it is insidiously, in its development, by the Despotisms of the 
Old world, their united efforts will be necessary perhaps not sufficient 
for its success. Representing that feeling, and deeply impressed with the 
importance of those fraternal relations, the undersigned has felt impelled to 
the effort to counteract the impressions, and thus prevent the estrangement, 
which the note of the Minister of Costa Rica is calculated to produce ; and in 
these considerations he begs His Excellency, the Minister, to find, both the 
motive for this communication, and the necessity for its length. 

But the undersigned is unwilling to close without an expression of gratifi- 
cation, that His Excellency, the Minister of Exterior Relations, in his reply 
to the Ministers of Costa Rica l while he concured with them in deprecating 
the condition of Nicaragua, refrained from uniting with them, in ascribing it 
to the ambition, or bad faith of the Government of the United States. Upon 
this friendly indication, and upon the fact that the Government of Bolivia 
has been ever uniform, and unchanging, in its manifestations of friendship 
toward the United States, the undersigned founds the confident hope that, 
in the proposed Congress, the influence of Bolivia may be exerted to remove 
any unfounded impressions, or prejudices which may exist against his Gov- 
ernment; and to prepare the way for a cordial union of all the American 
Republics of the South of the Center of the North animated by one 
thought, and one feeling that of carrying forward, to a successful issue, the 
experiment of the capacity of man for the continuous enjoyment of rational 
liberty and self-government, which has so often failed, terminating in the 
various stages of anarchy, licentiousness and Despotism. When the Spanish 
American States were battling manfully for their independence the Govern- 
ment of the United States interposed its arm, even then not weak, and held 
1 See note i, below, this part, doc. 419, p. 60. 



DOCUMENT 419: FEBRUARY 28, 1857 59 

back other nations of Europe from going to the aid of Spain in the re-conquest 
of its Colonies that act, at that critical moment, was decisive of the result, 
and gave the Continent to freedom. Events may again, at any time, occur, 
when merely the moral power of some one section may be conclusive in sus- 
taining the Republican institutions, or the integrity of another; and the 
undersigned does not allow himself to doubt that Bolivia, devoted as it is to 
those institutions will exert its influense for the preservation of such relations, 
between all the Republics of America, as may permit and induce the friendly 
exercise of such sustaining moral power, whenever circumstances may 
require it. 

His Excellency, the Minister, will please accept [etc.]. 



419 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to William L. 
Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

No. 33 LA PAZ, February 28, 1857. 

SIR: As instructed in despatch No. n, 2 and as the Department was ad- 
vised by mine, No. 31, 3 I addressed a communication to the Government of 
Bolivia on the 15 th of Nov. last 4 on the subject of the " Declaration ' ' of the 
Congress of Paris in relation to maritime law, a copy of which note accom- 
panied despatch No. 31. Although much time has passed since its date I 
have received no reply. In a recent No. of a newspaper of this city how- 
ever, I have seen a correspondence between the Government of New Granada 
and that of Bolivia on that subject, in which the Minister of the former Gov- 
ernment, after stating the four principles of the "Declaration*' and noticing 
some of the objections which have been made to the first, expresses its assent 
to them all, and then remarks that the object of his communication is not to 
ask the assent of the Government of Bolivia to the "Declaration", but to 
invite it to give still greater weight to what humanity and civilization de- 
mand by uniting its vote with that of New Granada in favor of making the 
freedom of the seas in their innocent use a principle without limitation, as 
expressed in the few words the inviolability of inoffensive property. 

11 It would seem to be honorable and useful for the Spanish American Republics to 
adopt in concert and in a solemn manner, as their doctrine and law of maritime rights 
in time of war, the above enunciated principle, applying it to all the property of non- 
combatant citizens or subjects of the enemy, by the way ^ of completing the four points 
of the " Declaration" of Paris with regard to all the nations which admit them. The 
undersigned, Minister of Exterior Relations, has been directed to present these indica- 
tions to the consideration of the Government of Bolivia and to inform it that his Govern- 
ment will, on the next assembling of the Legislative Body, present them as the basis of 
a law upon the subject." 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I. 2 See note I, above, this part, doc. 417, p. 48. 

3 See above, this part, doc. 417. 4 See above, this part, doc. 416. 



60 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

The Minister of Exterior Relations of Bolivia in reply makes some general 
remarks indicating an approval of the principles of the "Declaration" of 
Paris, and closes by expressing the direct assent of his Government to the 
proposal of New Granada, "the inviolability of inoffensive property", with 
the promise to submit the subject to the consideration of the next Congress. 
The note from the Government of New Granada is dated Sept. 20, 1856, and 
the reply Jany. 23, 1857. This proposed amendment of the "Declaration" 
of Paris goes beyond that suggested by the Government of the United 
States, inasmuch as it renders universal and obligatory the principle, which of 
late years has to a certain extent been regarded in practice, of respecting 
private property on the land. It appears from a part of the New Granada 
note, not copied above, that that Government has incorporated this principle 
of respect for private property both on sea and land to its fullest extent in 
treaties with the neighboring States, even providing for the non-interruption 
of commerce between them in the event of war; one of these treaties dates 
as far back as 1842. This correspondence throws no light upon the question 
of what would be the treatment of our privateers in their respective ports in 
the event of the non-amendment and our ultimate dissent from the "Dec- 
laration." 

There has also been published here recently a correspondence between the 
Government of Costa Rica and that of Bolivia in which the Minister of the 
former alludes in the most offensive terms to the United States, in the an- 
nexation of Texas, the invasion of Mexico, and the occupation of California- 
representing the events now ocurring in Nicaragua as but another scene in the 
same sad drama, and inviting Bolivia, with all the other Spanish American 
States, to a general Congress for the considerations of these outrages. The 
reply of the Government of Bolivia deprecates the condition of Nicaragua 
and assents to the proposition for a Congress, but without indulging in the 
offensive language towards the Government of the United States. The 
note of the Ministers of Costa Rica indicates that the invitation has been 
extended to all the Spanish American States probably in the same offensive 
terms; but as it possibly may not have been published in other countries as 
here, and therefore may not have reached the Department I transmit here- 
with a translation of extracts marked A . and of Extracts from the reply of 
Bolivia marked B. 1 Considering the official origin of these calumnies against 

1 The extracts of the correspondence referred to are as follows : 
John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to senor don Carlos Bridoux 

LA PAZ, November 3, 1^55. 

MY DEAR SIR: Having returned from out of town but a short time before the depar- 
ture of the post, I must reply in great haste to your esteemed favor of the 26 th ult., 
covering the project for navigation of the rivers of Bolivia. 

I regard the proposal as objectionable on many accounts. 

I st The Co. obligate themselves only, to open to navigation, and to navigate the Beni 
and its tributaries, virtually leaving the Mamore to their subsequent pleasure. The 
chief obstructions on the Beni are the falls at its mouth ; while on the Mamore there are 



DOCUMENT 419: FEBRUARY 28, 1857 6l 

Footnote i , page 60 Continued 

a series of obstructions, extending from its point of junction with the Beni a long dis- 
tance upward. In fact the obstructions in the Mamore, which they avoid, are more 
serious than those in the Madeira before reaching the Beni, and in the Beni combined, 
which they undertake. And these are left for Bolivia to grapple with, after having 
parted with a portion of its lands an indefinite amount of its revenues and the right 
even to reach them through the Madeira. They select the route which would least 
benefit Bolivia, and be most profitable to themselves, because costing the least to pre- 
pare it, and leave the great route which Bolivia requires to be prepared, if at all, by Bo- 
livian resources already rendered inadequate by the large concessions to them. Per- 
haps it may be answered that, having reached the junction of the Beni and the Mamore, 
they would voluntarily remove the obstructions, and extend their operations up the 
latter river, for the purpose of commanding its productions and commerce. But it 
should be considered, that, having reached the mouth of the Mamore; and having the 
exclusive use of the waters below; they have secured the control of its productions 
and commerce, just as fully as if they removed the obstructions, and extended their line 
to the sources of that river. They have no other outlet and must come to them, and 
it would be to them a matter of indifference whether they came by cheap and easy 
steam transportation, or by the present expensive modes; but to Bolivia it is a question 
of vital interest. Bolivia never should grant, for an hour, the exclusive navigation of 
the Madeira, unless by doing so, it secures positively the navigation of the Mamore 
and the Beni, especially of the former; because if it grants that exclusive navigation, 
merely to secure the navigation of the one, it virtually closes the door, at the same time, 
against the navigation of the other, during the whole term of that concession that is, 
if it grants the exclusive navigation of the Madeira and the Beni for 99 years, without 
positively stipulating for the navigation of the Mamore, the Mamore must continue 
for that 99 years without steam communication, because those who hold the grant will 
not have sufficient motive to improve it, and no other Co. could come through the 
Madeira to do so. 

2 d The grant of the exclusive use of the rivers to any company is objectionable, as, 
during the continuance of the grant, it gives, to a certain extent, the control of the 
productions and of the markets of the country to that Co., by destroying competition. 
It may however be necessary, in the circumstances of Bolivia, to make such a grant as a 
remuneration for the expense of rendering its rivers navigable: but 99 years is a term 
altogether too long, even if that was the only remuneration for making navigable both 
the Beni and the Mamore. It is a question of vast importance to Bolivia whether it 
will make itself subject to that monopoly and control for 20 or 30 years, or for 99 years. 
3 d The amount of land which the Co. would be able to secure is vague and uncertain, 
because wherever they saw fit to make a road; there they would be entitled to land; 
and they would see fit to make a road wherever they found land which they desired. 
4 th The Co. entitle themselves to one half the duties not only on the imports and ex- 
ports through the Beni, but also on those through the Mamore, even though they do not 
expend a dollar to improve its navigation or facilitate its transportation and is the 
Government prepared to part at once for 99 years, with half the revenues to be^derived 
from duties on the goods which may be imported, and on the productions which may 
be exported through the Amazon? within one fourth that time a large proportion of the 
imports and exports of the country will probably be by that route: and thus the Govern- 
ment may find itself in the humiliating and embarrassing position of sharing its principal 
revenues with a foreign Co. 

5 th The concessions required, in exclusive navigation, land, and duties, are altogether 
beyond the value of the obligations assumed. I have no doubt but concessions of half 
their value, and not half so burthensome to Bolivia, would induce a Co. in the United 
States to assume the obligations which they propose. You know that when we con- 
fered this subject, at a former time, we thought that 21 years of exclusive use of the 
rivers, connected with grants of land, might be sufficient. 

6 th They do not obligate themselves to navigate the tributaries of La Plata, but require 
Bolivia to give them the preference in any negotiation on that subject this gives them 
entire control over those waters, and renders the Government subject to any terms 
which they may impose, for no other Co. would incur the necessary expense and trouble 
of investigating the subject and making estimates and proposals, which would only be 
made the basis of a contract with that Co. 

7 th The proposal excludes Bolivians from any interest, control, or direct profit in the 
organization; where as the Co. should be composed in part of Bolivians, and Bolivians, 
or the Government should retain a joint control or influence over its acts. 



62 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

Footnote i , page 60 Continued 

In fact it seems to me that a just regard for the interests of Bolivia as a whole, and 
especially of that portion of it drained by the Mamore, must induce you to advise the 
rejection of these proposals. I feel assured that if the Government will send you to the 
United States, with proposals making half the concession which these require, you will 
succeed in organizing a Co. which will assume the obligations desired. Or if they do 
not wish to make proposals, let them send, as I once before suggested, to the United 
States for an engineer, to make an accurate estimate of the cost of the improvements 
necessary, and then you go to the United States, with his report, and get proposals from 
a Co. there. You may depend upon it that this subject of improving and navigating 
rapid, shoal, and obstructed rivers and of opening new countries, is better understood, 
and can be accomplished more advantageously and less expensively, by people of the 
United States than by any other. 

I am well aware that there is a feeling in Bolivia (and it may influence the Govern- 
ment) against the immigration from the United States. But immigration does not 
necessarily follow from a mere contract to improve and navigate its rivers. We want 
no emigration from the United States; our policy is to retain and employ our population ; 
but we would gladly have the benefit of the concessions which the Government might 
make for the improvement and navigation of its rivers, and the commerce resulting 
therefrom. As to immigration and colonization, even upon the lands conceded to a 
C a o f those matters the Government might retain entire control. 

Again I say let the Government reject or suspend these proposals, and send you 
to the United States, either before or after the report of an engineer, to carry or to 
obtain proposals, and I assure you that Bolivia will be largely the gainer by the 
operation. 

I have been under the necessity of writing in so great haste that I should have no 
hope of having made myself understood, were it not for the fact of your familiarity with 
the subject, and for the additional fact, which affords me much pleasure, that your 
views so nearly correspond with those which I have so imperfectly expressed. 

Will you have the goodness to give me the conclusions at which you finally arrive 
upon this subject; and if (as I presume you will) you advise the Government to 
reject these proposals, I should be happy to have your views in relation to further 
movements. 

With high respect [etc.]. 

A . Note from the Ministers of Costa Rica to Juan de la Cruz Benavente, Minister of 
Foreign Affairs of Bolivia. 

[EXTRACTS. TRANSLATION] 

LIMA, December jj, 2856. 

SIR: The sad events of which the Republic of Nicaragua has been the theatre, and 
which for more than a year have occupied the attention of all civilized Governments, 
have involved the destinies of all the States of Central America united by strong bonds 
to the people of Nicaragua who are the spoils of foreign adventurers. 

It is a long time since the first scenes of the sad drama now being represented in 
Nicaragua first developed themselves, in the annexation of Texas, in the invasion of 
Mexico, and in the occupation of California; from that time, to all Americans who have 
a Spanish origin, these attrocious acts should be apparent, which, infringing every 
principle of the various rights of man and of society, have consummated the most 
tyrannical and scandalous deeds of vandal filibustering. Such usurpation ought to 
produce, as in fact it has produced, the most grievous impression upon the minds of all 
the Governments of the new world of Columbus; and to this impression has followed the 
most just indignation against the invaders, and the most noble enthusiasm in the defense 
of the independence and liberty of all the nations which people the Spanish American 
continent. This enthusiasm so general and uniform has united all the people of Colum- 
bus in one feeling and one thought, the thought of union and the feeling of fraternity to 
represent that union in a positive manner. 

People who have a common origin, who profess the same religion, who have the same 
language and customs, and finally who are united by the same social interests, it is 
natural that they associate themselves, and in hours so solemn as the present, represent 
that association in a grand Congress, once already realized at the suggestion of the illus- 
trious Liberator of the Americas. 

The undersigned Ministers, fully authorized by the Government of Costa Rica to 
address themselves in its name to all the Governments of the Spanish American Repub- 



DOCUMENT 419: FEBRUARY 28, 1857 63 

my Government I have felt that it was improper for me to remain silent 
under their publication, and accordingly addressed yesterday a note to the 
Minister of Exterior Relations on the subject. 1 But as the charges applied 
to a long series of important events, to which I could only reply by giving 
their actual history, my communication consequently occupied much space 
so much that I have not time to furnish a copy for the Department before 
the departure of the steamer post, to day. By the next steamer I will 
endeavor to comply with that duty. 

The comment here upon this correspondence in well informed circles and 
of some who are near the Government is, (as the Costa Rica note clearly 
indicates) that the intention is to organise an alliance of the Spanish Ameri- 
can States on the basis of hostility to the United States; and that an effort 
will be made in the Congress to induce Spain to relinquish her rights in 
Cuba, making it a free State, under guarantees against its annexation to the 
United States. Probably European influences are at work in the organiza- 
tion of this Congress, with a view to strengthen the prejudices and ill-feeling 
which unfortunately are already so deep rooted, and under these influences 

Footnote i , page 60 Continued 

lies, have the honor to ask your attention for the purpose of realizing the unanimous wish 
of all the Spanish Americas. 

Here follows a discussion in relation to the proper place for the meeting of the pro- 
posed Congress, and the note closes with a proposal that it meet at the Capital of Costa 
Rica in the month of May 1857. 

B. Note from Juan de la Cruz Benavente, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia, in 

reply to the above 
[EXTRACTS. TRANSLATION] 

LIMA, January 23, 1857. 

SIR: I have had the honor to communicate &ct. . . . My Government has seen with 
sufficient indignation that portion of it: (the note above) which refers to the scandalous 
vandalism of the North American filibusters in Nicaragua, and also with much pleasure 
that which invites it: to give life to the sentiment of the Liberator by a union of an Ameri- 
can Congress in the capital of Costa Rica. 

My Government has had many occasions, so difficult has it always been to bring 
together the South American States, to observe that; species of ill agreed isolation which 
deprives them of the advantage of presenting at a given moment the j^ower of common 
action, which would be as invincible as are the unquestioned principles upon which 
they have based their political independence. 

South America, in a great measure occupied in solving those frequent internal 
Question^ which are a necessary consequence of the transision from a colonial to a 
democratic state, appears not only to be the victim of the troubles which the cliscordent 
ambition of some of its sons daily occasion, but in the weakness in which some of the 
States continue, to the mournful benefit of the political parties which disturb the public 
peace, has come at length to be, in some sections, the object of foreign ambition. If it 
was necessary to exhibit a proof of this the Ministers to whom I address myself have 
written it already it consists in the actual condition of Nicaragua. 

The Government of Bolivia laments with all sincerity a condition so defectiveit 
considers it not only a high duty but also an honor to contribute to its termination- 
and as the most effectual means of accomplishing it are combined in a union of an Ameri- 
can Congress which may put an end to the present difficulties, it accepts the invitation 
which it has received from the Ministers in the name of their illustrious Government 
to meet in the capital of Costa Rica. . . . 

1 Spft ahov<> this nart. flnr*. AT 8. 



64 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

it is not impossible that the suggestion about Cuba may have some foun- 
dation. 

With high respect [etc.]. 

420 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States l 

No. 34 LA PAZ, March JJ, 1857. 

SIR : With my former despatch (No 33) 2 1 forwarded translations of portions 
of a recent correspondence between the Governments of Costa Rica and 
Bolivia, 3 and advised the Department that, with my next, I would transmit 
a copy of my reply to the offensive allusions to the Government of the 
United States contained in the Costa Rica note. That copy, marked A, 
accompanies this despatch, but for convenience under a separate cover. 4 I 
am obliged here to write entirely from recollection of past events, and from 
newspaper accounts of those which are now occuring; but I believe that the 
statements contained in my reply are in the main correct, and trust that the 
views therein expressed may meet the approval of my Government. 

Since the date of that communication, I learn that this Government has 
received a note from that of New Granada on the subject of Central Ameri- 
can affairs, and replied to it by the last steamer. This correspondence has 
not been published, but a friend, who has seen the reply, informs me, that he 
judges from it, that the note of New Granada is similar in its character to 
that of Costa Rica, although it does not refer to the proposed Congress of 
Spanish American Republics. Probably the New Granada note was dated 
before the invitation from Costa Rica was received. 

I see from an article, copied by the papers of this City from a Chili paper, 
that the Ministers of Costa Rica are there, conferring with that Government 
in relation to Central American affairs. The writer of the article expresses 
ignorance of what the Government may do, but makes an earnest appeal to 
the people for a general subscription in aid of the Central, against the North- 
Americans; and urges a confederacy of the Spanish American States for 
purposes of protection against aggrission from the North. 

A late No. of the Government paper of this City contains an article com- 
paring the United States to Rome of old, conqering, annexing, and absorb- 
ing, all within their reach; and recommending entire non-intercourse, as the 
only safe policy for the weaker States. This is precisely the comparison, 
and the reason, which the late President, Belzu, gave to a friend, for refusing 
to make a commercial treaty with the United States; though to me, of course, 
the Government gave other reasons. 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. 2 Above, this part, doc. 419. 

See note i, above, this part, doc. 419, p. 60. 4 Above, this part, doc. 418. 



DOCUMENT 420: MARCH 13, 1857 65 

The utmost courtesy and apparent good feeling are extended to me per- 
sonally by the Government and people here, and even frankness of inter- 
course exists; but that very frankness gives me possion [possession?] of their 
real feelings and opinions of my country, and those are, that its aggresive 
policy embraces the whole continent, and that no part of it is, at any mo- 
ment, safe from its ambitious designs a denial of this policy is always re- 
ceived with astonishment and incredulity. They seem as firmly impressed, 
as were the ancient Astec, with the idea of the advent of a superior race, but 
who they are, and whence they corne, is not, as with them, a mystery. 

The feeling here, is, I believe, the general feeling, with some few intelligent 
exceptions, throughout Spanish America. And this jealousy and apprehen- 
sion, on the part of another, and a weaker race, is not surprising when we 
consider the immense and valuable territories already obtained by the 
stronger from the weaker the war with, and the prostration of Mexico by 
our arms the long continued efforts to acquire Cuba the troubles in New- 
Granada and lastly, the present occurrences in Nicaragua all events 
which, properly understood, give no foundation for these jealousies; but re- 
ceived and viewed as they are through the medium and coloring of the 
European press, (their only source of information in relation to us) they are 
naturally, and even justly regarded as perfect outrages upon the rights of 
States. The note of Costa Rica l expresses the general sentiment we are 
looked upon as aggressors and oppressors, instead of being regarded, as we 
ought, as guardians and protectors. This feeling has deprived us entirely of 
the political influence which similarity of institutions would naturally give 
us has thrown obstacles in the way of the extension of our enterprise and 
commerce and now, under the furor of hate which Nicaraguan events 
inspire, threatens a general alliance based exclusively upon hostility to us, 
our interests and designs, whether real or imaginary. 

I believe that the existence of this state of things to a limited extent, has 
been understood at home for sometime, and that the improvement of our 
relations with the South American States has been an object of solicitude 
with the Government; but notwithstanding its efforts, an unfavorable com- 
bination of circumstances, and European intrigues, have from day to day 
rendered matters worse and worse; and the question seriously arises, is there 
no remedy which we can interpose? In reply to, and in connection with this 
question, I propose to submit certain views, some of a special, others of a 
more general nature, in relation to South America; but as their presentation 
will require more time than is left me before the departure of the steam-post 
I reserve them for another despatch. 

With high respect [etc.]. 

1 See above, this part, note I, doc. 419, p. 60. 



66 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

421 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States x 

No. 35 LA PAZ, March ij, 1857. 

SIR: Since closing the accompanying despatch No. 34 2 I have been in- 
formed, from a source upon which I can entirely rely, that the Government 
here received yesterday a communication from that of Chili, expressing its 
acceptance of the proposal for a Congress of the Spanish American Re- 
publics, 3 and its determination to exert all its powers in the expulsion of the 
North Americans from Nicaragua; and urging the Government of Bolivia to 
a like acceptance, and a like effort. Probably these movements may be 
communicated to the Department much earlier from other Legations less 
distant than this; but as it is possible that the same publicity may not be 
given to them elsewhere as here I prefer to take the chance of giving informa- 
tion long since received, than that of the Government remaining uninformed 
upon the subject. 

It is probable that the acceptance by Bolivia, and by Chili, undoubtedly 
acting in concert with Peru, of the proposal for a Congress will be conclusive 
in favor of its assembling; and it is probable too that the efforts of the Spanish 
American States, thus combined, will be conclusive of the expulsion of 
Walker and his associates from Nicaragua, if he is sustained alone by 
individual effort. 

The Department will please permit the suggestion, from a point of view 
entirely Spanish American, that the Government of the United States 
should, by some movement, act, or declaration, place itself, before hand, 
above all suspicion of sympathy or complicity with his cause, or take meas- 
ures openly to sustain it that it should relieve itself, in advance, from the 
future discredit of an unsuccessful forray upon a neighboring State, or boldly 
give it success and character as a conquest. Without some previous act on 
our part to remove the impression, the expulsion of Walker by the proposed 
alliance would be ever regarded as a defeat of our attempted aggression, and 
a triumph over our policy of extension a defeat, and a triumph, which 
would only encourage to future hostile movements. That the contest is 
regarded as in reality with the United States, or against United States in- 
trigues, and not merely with an unsupported North American filibuster, is 
evinced by the note of invitation, 4 and by the assembling of the Congress; 
such an imposing national movement against unaided individual effort 
would have been regarded by the parties as beneath their dignity, and the 
measures of protection to Nicaragua would have assumed some other form. 
The actual idea upon which this demonstration is based is, that the United 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I. 2 Above, this part, doc. 420. 

3 Seenotei,above,thispart,doc.4i9,p.6o. ^Seenotei, above, this part, doc. 419, p. 60. 



DOCUMENT 422: MARCH 25, 1857 67 

States is the real party in interest in Walker's success; but, that not having 
publicly committed themselves to his cause, they will forego their intentions, 
at least for the present, when they see the determination of all Spanish 
America to resist him. We may feel entirely conscious of having no con- 
nexion with Walker, or sympathy with his cause ; but however conscious we 
may be the opposite is as generally, and as fully believed as if we had officially 
made public that connexion and sympathy; and it ever will be believed, 
unless we produce a different impression before his cause becomes a public 
failure. This might perhaps be done by a communication to the Govern- 
ment of Costa Rica, in reply to the allegations against the Government of 
the United States contained in its note of invitation, (and charges of so grave 
a nature would seem of themselves to demand a rebuke, or explanation, or 
both combined), stating our precise position and intentions towards Nicara- 
gua, and requesting that it be layed before the Congress, as the note contain- 
ing those allegations formed the basis for its meeting. The Costa Rica note, 
with the Bolivian reply, was published here in the official paper, and the 
translation of extracts which accompanied my despatch No. 33 x can be 
relied upon as accurate, if the note entire has not been received from any 
other source. 2 Such a communication would at least indicate a respect for 
the opinions of the States represented, and might thus have a good effect 
upon our Spanish American relations generally; and besides, if this alliance 
is to occupy Nicaragua some understanding with, or notice to, them in rela- 
tion to our transit rights would be necessary, unless a collision is regarded as 
desirable. As I remarked before, these suggestions are exclusively from a 
Spanish American standpoint, and they may be all absurd when the subject 
is viewed from the meridian of Washington. 
With high respect [etc.]. 



422 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Levvis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States 8 

No. 36 LA PAZ, March 25, 1857. 

SIR: In despatch No. 34 4 I referee! to the unfavorable relations existing 
between us and the Spanish American States arising from their apprehensions 
of our aggressions, and proposed to submit in a subsequent despatch certain 
views, some of a special, others of a more general nature, connected with the 
subject of a remedy for this evil. But before proceeding I must remark that 
it is with the utmost delicacy I attempt suggestions to a Government over 

1 Above, this part, doc. 419. 

2 The translation of extracts from the notes mentioned is in note I, above, this part, doc. 
419, p. 60. 

8 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I. 4 Above, this part, doc. 421. 



68 PART II I COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

which presides so much of wisdom and political experience, and beg, that it 
be pardoned to the deep Interest in South American affairs as connected with 
our own which has been excited by several years of residence and observation 
here, in the very heart of the continent. 

I assume, in the first place, that the United States have no intention of 
extending their possessions further in Spanish America, of course excepting 
the islands of the Gulf. This assumption or opinion seems well sustained by 
the fact, which I believe exists, that in our treaty of peace with Mexico we 
voluntarily bound ourselves not to receive into the Union any of its revolting 
States by the fact that we bound ourselves with Great Britain never to 
exercise any dominion in any part of Central America and by the fact that 
when that Power violated the treaty, and by its construction rendered it, in 
its operation upon itself, a nullity, we refrained from annulling it on our part, 
and from making ourselves free to take advantage of the present condition of 
things in pursuing a system of occupation and colonization in that country. 
Having thus deprived ourselves of the right, voluntarily, of acquiring adja- 
cent territory in Mexico, and territory in Central America so important in a 
commercial view, of course we can have no wish for that which is more dis- 
tant, and which affords none of the facilities for transit which the Isthmus 
offers. 

I assume too, that it is the fixed policy of the United States to enforce the 
Monroe doctrine in relation to European colonization on this continent. 
This assumption rests upon the fact that this doctrine has been announced 
by Prest. Monroe, and various of his successors, and when announced has 
elicited general approval, with but slight indications of opposition upon 
the fact that in the recent correspondence with Great Britain it was urged as 
a ground for her exclusion from Central America and upon the fact that it 
received the general, though not unanimous, approval of the late Democratic 
Convention, and that too, without meeting the unfavorable comment which 
other principles there announced called forth. 

Regarding then, for the reasons above stated, the non-extension of our 
territory toward the South upon the Continent as the fixed policy of the 
United States, and the maintenance of the Monroe doctrine a policy equally 
fixed. I propose that the two principles be made the basis of our relations 
with the Spanish American States that is T that we enter with them into 
treat}' obligations, that the one will never relinquish any portion of territory 
to European Powers, and that the other will aid in resisting any European 
acquisition; incorporating, at the same time, a declaration in relation to our 
own intentions, so unequivocal as will allay all apprehensions of our own 
aggressions. 

I am aware that the objection at once suggests itself, that this would be 
a violation of the rule, which has so long, and so safely guided us, of avoiding 
entangling alliances with other States. If this objection is valid it should, 



DOCUMENT 422: MARCH 25, 1857 69 

perhaps, be conclusive against the proposal ; but, while we regard this ancient 
rule of sacred origin, it is necessary to guard that, in our reverence for it, 
we do not run into the opposite extreme, perhaps equally dangerous, of a 
cold, indifferent policy, calculated to exclude us from the circle of the sym- 
pathies of the world. Whether it is because we have already gone to that 
extreme, or whether it is the result of accidental circumstances, it cannot be 
doubted that, from some cause, we now occupy that isolated position. 
Probably there is not a Government, strong or weak, on the face of the Globe 
but what looks upon us with hatred; Russia perhaps, should be made an 
exception, but if so its sympathy is probably stimulated by English hostility. 

But is the proposed measure, in reality, a violation of the rale in question? 
If we, having no policy of our own connected with the subject, at the solicita- 
tion of one of the South American States, should consent to guaranty the 
integrity of its territory against European aggression, it would, undoubtedly, 
be a gross violation of this rule: but having a policy of our own, having de- 
termined to resist European colonization, the entering into the mutual 
obligations proposed is not a lending of ourselves to their purposes, is not an 
alliance entangling us with their interests, but, instead, it is only securing 
their aid and co-operation, in what we had predetermined, even alone to do. 
The assuming of such obligations, under such circumstances, is not then a 
violation of the rule in question. The Clayton and Buiwer treaty is clearly, 
to the same extent, obnoxious to the same objection, in addition to the grave 
one, that its guarantees of protection are a gratuitous interference with 
States not parties to the treaty. By giving the guarantee of territorial 
integrity directly to the parties interested, we avoid the last objection, and 
manifest a just regard for their honor and dignity points in relation to 
which these small States are exceedingly sensitive. 

But, whatever may be the objections or their force, it cannot be doubted 
that the measure would perfectly accomplish the object proposed it would 
snatch from their hands, at once, this vast field of European intrigue against 
us, and remove one great motive for the misrepresentations of their press 
it would forever put at rest all apprehensions here, of our aggressive policy, 
and place us in the position of protectors against the aggressions of others 
in fine it would establish a community of interests from which must in- 
evitably, and spontaneously spring the most cordial and intimate social, 
commercial, and political relations. Such a result is so obvious, that it is 
unnecessary to dwell upon it; and the only question is, whether its benefits 
are commensurate with the means proposed for its attainment. 

Having considered the objections to, and the specific object of, the 
measure proposed, I will now pass to its more general, and perhaps even 
more important bearings. The Monroe doctrine has been announced so 
often, and with so much of authority, that, as we now stand, we cannot, 
with honor, recede from it, if occasion calls for its enforcement; but still it 



70 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

has never received that genera! endorsement of the various branches of the 
Government, which is necessary to carry it abroad as the fixed policy of the 
country. In disregard of it, Great Britain has been uniformly extending its 
encroachments in Central America, and when we presented it for the purpose 
of checking them, we were told that it was the mere dictum of one man. It 
fails to exercise upon other Governments the influence of a settled policy, 
leaving them free to aggress, while it binds our own to resist their aggressions 
a position upon the question precisely calculated, more than any other, 
to involve us in war. Our only safety is, to retrace our steps, or to advance. 
Great Britain, and it is of her future colonization in South America that I 
shall have occasion more particularly to speak, while we furnish the food for 
her spindles, and so much of the food for her labour; while we consume an- 
nually 150 millions in value of the productions of her labour while this state 
of things continues, Great Britain is under bonds to us to keep the peace, 
the forfeiture of which is bankruptcy, without remedy at law or diplomacy. 
So long as these relations continue that Government will never adopt, from 
the first, a system of measures, with the knowledge that they will result in a 
collision with us; but, in the absence of that knowledge, it may adopt and 
pursue a given policy to a point, where if resisted, English doggedness would 
fight, even though ruin was the certain consequence. France has the same 
motives for peace with us, though in a much more limited degree, and, with 
that limitation upon her motives, she would shrink from a policy necessarily 
leading to war with us; but French pride and military enthusiasm would not 
permit her to recede from an adopted policy, when found that it must pro- 
duce that result. Our danger then is, not that we have asserted the Monroe 
doctrine it is our only protection against European intrigues upon this 
continent but that we have failed to assert it in that positive unequivocal 
manner, which is necessary to give it an influence over European councils. 
If plainly asserted, and understood in advance, so as to give direction to 
those councils, its objects would be peaceably attained; the only danger is in 
our present half-way position. 

If it is thus necessary more solemnly to re-assert it, what is the most effec- 
tive, and unobjectionable manner? One mode would be, the united declara- 
tion of the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government ; but this 
might be regarded as r and have the appearance of, an offensive threat to the 
World. Another mode is, the measure which I have proposed, of binding 
ourselves to each of the American States to aid them in resisting European 
colonization. These obligations we have a right to assume, and could as- 
sume them without giving offence in any quarter; and when assumed, there 
could be doubt or question of our intentions even less than under the joint 
declaration above suggested. And, if it should ever become necessary to 
resist, by force, European colonization, our moral position would be much 
stronger, if doing so in compliance with treaty obligations to neighboring 



DOCUMENT 422: MARCH 25, 1857 Jl 

States, than in maintaining a theory or principle of our own, which all the 
rest of the World ignored. And again, if the joint declaration was made, 
binding us, with the utmost solemnity, to interposition, it might occur that 
States interested would withhold their co-operation, and that without their 
co-operation interposition would be impossible, or if attempted, a ridiculous 
intermeddling with the affairs of others. In fact. If unconditiorr Ily bound to 
intervention, without having secured this co-operation, we are liable, at 
any moment, to be thrown into the most ludicrous and unjustifiable posi- 
tions. These considerations tend to the conclusion, that the measure pro- 
posed is the most effective and unobjectionable mode of announcing to the 
world our determination to maintain the Monroe doctrine, and perhaps 
absolutely necessary to our safety in making that announcement. 

But the question arises, and should be considered; is there danger of 
further European attempts at colonization on this continent, the great points 
of transit between the two oceans having been secured against it? In answer- 
ing this question, it will be necessary to examine the natural resources and 
productive capabilities of South America; as adapted to the wants of Europe, 
especially of England. And here I beg pardon, in advance, for anticipated 
length, for I enter upon an extended field, and upon a subject which I regard 
as of the most vital importance to the United States. During the present 
or the coming year there is no danger to be apprehended, probably none 
during the continuance of the present Administration, and perhaps none 
during the lifetime of those who are now interested in the direction of our 
public affairs; but I believe that whenever, be it sooner or later, the heart of 
this continent is exposed to foreign approach and inspection, whenever it is 
made accessible, by the opening of its rivers to navigation, it will present to 
some of the Euopean Nations, by meeting their peculiar wants, a stronger 
temptation to aggression, than was originally presented to the avarice 
of Spain, by the richness of the mines. It is well known, how indefatigably 
England has, for years, devoted research, labour, and capita! to the object 
of obtaining a supply of cotton from other sources, and of thus diminishing 
her dependence upon the United States; and that in all these efTorts she has, 
hitherto, signally failed, having been unable to combine, in any one locality', 
the requisites of soil, climate, labour, and facilities for transportation. 
While this object remains unattained, with all her outward arrogance, she 
inwardly feels herself as but a growing dependency of the United States; 
and when an opportunity offers for the realization of this necessity to her 
independent existence, scarcely any obstacle, however great, will be sufficient 
to restrain her. The desires and efforts of France, though in a less degree, 
are in the same direction the production of the raw material for her manu- 
factures of cotton ; and every nation of Europe is daily looking, with more 
and more interest, for independent sources of supply of that article. And if 
they succeed in depriving us of the commercial control which our present 



y 2 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

monopoly of cotton gives us, and with it of the great basis of prosperity to 
our mercantile marine, we may find ourselves hereafter, as entirely excluded 
from the circle of commercial sympathies, as we now are from political. 

Whenever Brazil shall remove the chains which she has extended across 
the mouth of the Amazon, or whenever the spirit of progress shall break 
them, and the one, or the other event must soon occur, there will be rendered 
accessible an immense country, hitherto closed, traversed in every direction 
with navigable rivers, with a soil unsurpassed in richness, and, though 
tropical, affording every variety of climate, from extreme heat, to temperate 
cold. At various points, in all parts of this country, the Jesuits, early, 
established missions, and introduced the culture of the cotton; on their 
expulsion the missions and the cultivation were abandoned, but, so adapted 
are the soil and climate to its production, that it still grows wild in the utmost 
luxuriance. In addition to the ordinary varieties, I have seen a yellow 
cotton similar to the Nankin, but much richer in shade, the fabric from 
which has a lustre like silk. There can be no doubt of the perfect adaptation 
of both soil and climate to this cultivation; the rivers afford at hand facilities 
for transportation ; and the only remaining element of successful production 
is labour. Although a tropical region, it possesses, as I have before remarked, 
every variety of climate, induced by the various accidents of elevation, of 
proximity and exposure to the perpetual snows of the Cordillaras [Cordilleras] , 
and of the occurrence of uniform currents of air which the peculiar conforma- 
tion of the country, in many parts, produces. Such is the variety of climate, 
that probably the labourer from any part of the world could find here a home 
adapted, in this respect, or not doing violence, to his early habits. But I be- 
lieve the general impression, that the Indian of South America is not a good 
labourer, is not well founded; or if well founded, the fact is not the result of 
natural characteristics of the man, but of his condition. Attached to the soil, 
but free from the obligation to constant labour which slavery imposes, deprived 
of the sure support and protection which slavery concedes, and deprived, 
too, of the hope of improving his condition, which inspires the free labourer 
of other countries half slave, half freeman, he suffers all the evils of both 
conditions, and enjoys none of the benefits of either and still he is a tolerably 
diligent and effective labourer; under the more favorable circumstances of 
free contract and direct pay he would be far more so. I am informed, by 
persons who have been engaged in the construction of most of the railways in 
South America, that they have employed the African, the Chinaman, the 
Irishman and the Indian, and that of all these, the Indian, especially the 
Chili Indian, was the best labourer. Therefore, the necessary labour for 
the production of cotton could be abundantly supplied by an emigration 
from Europe, to a climate adapted to the early habits of the emigrant, or by 
the native labourer, or both combined; and this labour would require for food 
but little more than the almost spontaneous productions of the country. 



DOCUMENT 422: MARCH 25, 1857 73 

We find then here, in perfect combination, the four requisite elements of 
the profitable production of cotton climate, soil, labour, and facilities for 
transportation the precise condition which meets the necessities of the 
independent existence of Great Britain, and the increasing wants of universal 
Europe. 

The exclusive policy of Brazil has, up to this time, protected this desirable 
region from European aggression, and, in a great degree, from European 
practical knowledge. But when this exclusive policy yields, as it soon must, 
to the irresistible demands of commerce, what are the barriers to prevent the 
realization of this European necessity and want, by the occupation, coloniza- 
tion, and cultivation of this country? It may be said that there is no vacant 
territory open to colonization that it is all, already, under the jurisdiction 
of existing, recognized States. But on examination it will be found, that 
the physical features of the country are no better adapted to meet British 
commercial and political wants, than is the peculiarity of the occupancy and 
title to the country adapted to a rich display of British Diplomacy, in all 
its varied shades, from the humble, canting, pious policy of philanthropic 
protection, up to the bolder, nobler strokes of Buchaneering robbery. The 
whole territory drained by the Amazon and all its tributaries, excluding a 
portion of that within the limits of Brazil, and excluding that upon the slopes 
and in the gorges of the Cordillaras, with a few unimportant exceptions, is 
occupied by tribes of Indians who recognise no obligations to the Govern- 
ments within whose limits the maps place their territory; and over whom 
those respective Governments neither exercise, or attempt jurisdiction. 
The same is true of the fine cotton country 7 , further to the south, drained by 
the Paraguy and its tributaries, above Asuncion; a region equally important, 
but hitherto shut out from the world by the former exclusive policy of Rosas 
of Buenos Ayres, and the present similar policy of the Government of 
Paraguy. It is true that the maps assign all this territory to existing 
States: but it is also true that no two States agree in relation to their respec- 
tive limits. The Government of Brazil has, I believe, an open question of 
boundary and territory with every adjoining State; and I know of no State 
that has with its neighbor its limits defined. The large territory between 
the Bermejo and the Paraguy, south of the south line of Bolivia, as given by 
the maps, is claimed by the Argentine Republic, Paraguy and Bolivia. On 
this territory a French colony has recently been established by Paraguy, 
with a view to strengthening her title, by actual possession; but it is said that 
the Government has not complied with the conditions of settlement, and 
that the colonists have applied to the Government of France for redress. 
Further up the river Paraguy a Company, composed of British subjects, 
and citizens of Hamburg, have a grant of a large territory from the Govern- 
ment of Bolivia, but they have as yet been excluded from its occupancy by 
the restrictions upon the navigation of the river. A portion of the Depart- 



74 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

ment of Corrientes, below, is claimed by the Argentine Republic, and by 
Paraguy. The territory west of the river Madera [Madeira], (a tributary of 
the Amazon) which the maps assign to Peru, is claimed by Peru, and Bolivia. 
And these instances only afford an illustration of the unsettled condition 
of things. 

These conflicts, not of jurisdiction, but of right to future jurisdiction, 
arise from the vagueness and uncertainty of their titles: neither party can 
show a clear historical one against the other, and consequently they would all 
fail in establishing one against actual possession obtained by exterior intrud- 
ers. Such actual possession might, perhaps, be justly regarded as an equi- 
table bar against these vague titles, weakened, as they are, by the absence 
of all acts of jurisdiction; at least, it would afford a more plausible title than 
those upon which most of the British exterior possessions rest. But, in 
addition to the facilities for the creation of outside titles, which this uncer- 
tainty and conflict afford, there is a most emphatic application to the state 
of facts here exhibited, in the half-expressed denial, by the Earl of Clarendon, 
of the ancient rule, in relation to Indian rights, which has governed all Powers 
in the settlement of America, and the half-expressed assertion, in its stead, 
of the Indian right of jurisdiction over territories which they occupy. So 
also the united denial, by the same high authority, of the legitimate descent 
of territorial rights, from the Parent Country to the revolted independent 
Colony, has a most marked application to the same subject. The recent 
Attorneyship, too, which the Government of England has accepted, for the 
collection of the debts of its subjects, though apparently a very humble duty, 
and indicating great care for their most minute interests, still has its other 
aspect, big with the extension of her possessions, in this, or any other direc- 
tion. The first notice of the acceptance of this attorneyship was to the owner 
of Cuba, and whenever it has been accepted hitherto, it has been against 
those who have desirable real-estate. Armed with this power, the Govern- 
ment may seize when it pleases, and even the best of titles is no protection. 
Nearly all the States, which claim the immense territory to which I have 
referred, are debtors to the subjects of that Government; and Ecuador has 
already, staid a levy upon her portion of this domain, by executing a mort- 
gage. It is a remarkable coincidence perhaps nothing more that these 
three principles, so recently announced or hinted, and two of them so dis- 
turbing to everything hitherto regarded as settled, should be so perfectly 
applicable to the acquisition of territory so desirable. British Diplomacy 
can not ask a more fruitful field than this, for the creation of titles; nothing 
is necessary, but to apply the various states of facts to the various principles 
prepared to meet them; and, if this process fails to secure all that is desired, 
the attorney for the creditor can take the remainder. 

We find then here, a territory, now closed, but soon to be accessible, 
adapted, in all its features, to meet England's most pressing wants a 



DOCUMENT 422: MARCH 25, 1857 75 

territory, too, adapted, in its titles or absence of titles, to acquisition by 
England upon principles already laid down, and in its condition, inviting 
her accustomed intermeddling a territory where she can build up a Colony, 
if not as extensive, more important and valuable than her Indian Empire 
a territory on which she could not only secure her independence of us, 
but make herself our successful rival in the production of the great staple 
of the world and hence, a territory which she will acquire, unless restrained 
by a certainty of a consequent war with us, and from which our vital inter- 
ests demand her exclusion, even though such a war be the consequence. 
Can it be said then, that the time has passed for apprehending European 
colonization on this continent? Can it be said, that the Monroe doctrine 
has served its purpose in the past, and is but an abstraction for the future? 
Can it be said, that there is no necessity for its enunciation in such solem 
[sic] form as will impress it, in advance, upon European councils? I believe 
the time is yet to come, but not far distant, for the full testing of its efficacy 
in securing the object for which it was designed; and that that test will not 
only involve those political considerations of safety to our institutions, 
which first induced its announcement, but also political considerations, 
now of still higher import the continuance of our producing, and maritime 
and commercial, ascendency. 

If it is important to restore our political influence, and to establish, 
on a broad, immovable basis, political and commercial relations with Spanish 
America. If there is danger of European colonization upon this continent, 
such as would disturb the successful working of Republican institutions; 
and of European production such as would deprive us of our control over 
the commerce of the world If our duty and interests require us to prevent 
this colonization, at all hazards If an unequivocal expression of our deter- 
mination to resist it will peacably prevent it If this determination cannot 
safely be announced without, at the same time, securing the co-operation of 
the States interested If these dangers can be averted, and these objects 
attained, by the proposed mutual guarantee of the territorial integrity of 
Spanish America, are the objections to such a measure sufficient to counter 
balance the advantages which it would secure? 

But there is still another question, of vast importance to the commercial 
world, and especially to the United States, which would be affected, and I 
believe brought to a vavorable [sic] issue, by the proposed guarrantee of terri- 
torial integrity. That question is the opening of the rivers of South America 
to exterior commerce. There can be no well founded doubt of the right of 
the states, through whose territory the navigable tributaries of the Amazon 
and La Plata flow, to use those rivers as the channel of transit of their 
productions to the ocean, either under their own flag, or that of other na- 
tions. The importance of this right, to the parties interested, is as obvious, 
as the right itself, is clear. As an illustration, Bolivia owns territory, upon 



76 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

these tributaries, as large as France, with a soil and climate adapted to every 
marketable product of every part of the world; but, with all its capabilities, 
it is entirely valueless, except as a haunt for savages, unless it can be made 
accessible, and its productions transportable, through the rivers to the ocean. 
Every Republic in South America, excepting perhaps Chili, has, to a greater 
or less extent, similar territory, similarly situated. The Governments of 
these Republics know, and sensibly feel, the importance of their natural 
rights to the use of these rivers to the ocean; but still they are indifferent, 
and hesitate in demanding it, because they feel, too, that, in opening the 
country to foreign commerce, they will, at the same time, open it to foreign 
aggression, especially from the United States; and hence the fact, that neither 
combined, or separate, efforts have been made to resist the claims of Brazil, 
the former claims of Buenos Ayres, or the present claims of Paraguy 
to the control over these waters. In our negotiations with Brazil to obtain 
the opening of the Amazon, they have taken no part, and manifested no 
interest; Peru has even joined Brazil in maintaining her exclusive policy. 
The motive which I have ascribed for indifference, where such immense 
interests are at stake, may appear inadequate, and unreasonable, to those 
unacquainted with Spanish American feelings, suspicions, and apprehensions; 
but I know that it is the motive which restrains, at least, this Government and 
people from efficient action in securing an object which, aside from its 
dangers, they regard as of the most vital importance to the country. 

Let this guarantee of territorial integrity be made, and the apprehensions 
of aggression, either from Europe or the United States, be thus allayed, and 
all these States would be ready to unite with us, or to take the lead, in de- 
manding the freedom of the rivers. And their co-operation is absolutely 
necessary to furnish a basis for the claim which we have so long, and so 
unsuccessfully, urged upon Brazil ; for unless we have treaty relations with 
States above, and ports open to our commerce, there is no justice in our claim 
to enter and to pass in Brazilian waters. 

But the question very naturally arises; why press the subject of the free 
navigation of these rivers, if it will open a country to rival ours in the produc- 
tion of cotton? The answer is, that, sooner or later, and probably at a time 
not far distant, the demands of commerce, and the wants of the world, will 
break through these barriers, and make free these rivers; and the question 
important to us is, whether we will be in a position to preside at the inaugura- 
tion of their freedom, and in a measure give direction to the labour and pro- 
duction of the country, or leave that privilege to others whether we will 
waste our efforts in erecting barriers against inevitable events, or exert 
them in turning those events to our advantage? Under the stimulus of 
European capital and labour, directed solely to that one point, the country 
would, unquestionably be made to rival, if not surpass our own, in the pro- 
duction of cotton; but rice, coffee, cacao (chocolate) sugar cane, Tobacco, 



DOCUMENT 423: MARCH 29, 1857 77 

and every variety of tropical fruits, are natural products of the soil, as well 
as cotton, and, like cotton, most of them are now growing in a wild state; 
consequently, if cultivation was affected only by the stimulus of ordinary 
commercial demand, the productions would be so varied, that none would be, 
in quantity, more than sufficient to meet increasing consumption, and 
hence no change would be produced in the present relations of demand and 
supply, of any of them. If left to the laws which ordinarily control popula- 
tion and cultivation the country, when open, will offer a rich field for our 
commercial enterprise; but, if European interests are suffered to give direc- 
tion to that population and cultivation, it will become our great rival in the 
production of cotton, and furnish our great commercial rival an enlarged 
basis for commercial supremacy. 

If then, the opening of these vast regions to the world is inevitable, and 
fraught with such important consequences, for good or evil, it behooves us to 
be in a position to give direction to, the circumstances, and thus control the 
results, of that event. And that position can only be secured by establishing 
friendly relations with South America, on a foundation which cannot be 
shaken; and by erecting impassable barriers to European colonization. 

With high respect, [etc.]. 



423 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States 1 

No. 37 LA PAZ, March 29, 1857. 

SIR: I learn that, accompanying the note, to this Government, from the 
Ministers of Costa Rica, proposing a Spanish American Congress, a trans- 
lation of which I have previously sent to the Department, 2 there was another 
note from the same Ministers marked secret, (secreto) in which they charged 
the Government of Peru with infidelity to the Spanish American cause, 
resulting from dependence, for its own existence, upon aid from the United 
States; and representing that the President (Castilla) had sent to San 
Francisco to purchase steamers and fit them up as ships of war, and to enlist 
men. 

In consequence of this information this Government, by the last steamer, 
addressed notes to the Governments of Chili, Ecuador, and New Grenada 
[Granada], remonstrating against this measure of the Peruvian Government, 
as similar to the one which introduced Walker into Nicaragua, and thus 
brought all the evils upon Central America; and as endangering all Spanish 
American nationalities, by introducing, and giving a footing to, North 
American filibusters. 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I. 2 Note I, above, this part, doc. 419, p. 60. 



78 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

Since the date of this private Costa Rica note, one of the Ministers, who 
signed it, has published in Lima, over his own signature, an attack upon 
President Castilla, charging him with having withheld a loan, which he had 
previously promised, to Costa Rica and, in general terms, with infidelity to 
the Spanish American cause, resulting from his dependence upon filibusters for 
support; but making no reference, direct, to the purchase of ships, and enlist- 
ment of men in San Francisco, or to the position of Peru in relation to the pro- 
posed Congress, or to the Congress itself. In another Lima paper a defence of 
Castilla has appeared, in which he is represented as having taken great inter- 
est in Central American affairs, and as having intended to exert all his 
power for the expulsion of the invaders; but that now, he withholds the prom- 
ised loan, because of the present unexpected heavy demands upon the 
treasury, and because Walker is so prostrated that the loan in aid of his 
expulsion is no longer necessary. 

From these circumstances I conclude, that the inference which I made, in 
a former despatch, of the assent of Peru, to the proposed Congress, from the 
known assent of Chili, 1 was not a legitimate one; that the action of the one 
cannot be infered from that of the others; and that its (Peru's) course on that 
subject is uncertain. It is obvious that, from some cause, (perhaps its sup- 
posed sympathy with the filibusters) the present Government is not en- 
joying the confidence of the adjoining States; although, until recently, the 
interests of the present Government of Peru and that of Bolivia have been 
so connected, that any event weakening the former, was regarded as en- 
dangering the latter. 

With high respect, [etc.]. 

P.S. 

This Government is expecting, by the post tomorrow, another communi- 
cation from the Ministers of Costa Rica announcing definitively the time for 
the meeting of the Congress; and on receiving it will appoint, probably two, 
deputies to attend. 



424 

John W. Dana, United Slates Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States 2 

No. 39 LA PAZ, April 12, 1857. 

SIR: Near the close of the year 1853 the Charge d' Affairs of her Britanic 

Majesty near this Government had occasion to make certain reclamations, 

for losses and injuries sustained by British subjects residing in the country. 

After a brief correspondence on the subject, this Government gave a distinct 

1 In Dana's No. 35, above, this part, doc. 421. 2 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. 



DOCUMENT 424: APRIL 12, 1857 79 

refusal to recognize the claims presented; but the British Charge, not satis- 
fied, urged, in another note, the further consideration of the subject. To this 
the Government replied by a severe rebuke, not for the tone or contents of 
the note, as objectionable, but for the attempt to open again the question, 
after the Government had indicated that it was closed ; and, accompanying 
this reply and rebuke, the British Charge received his passport, and orders 
to leave the country immediately. This rupture of Diplomatic relations, thus 
produced, has continued up to this time, and no apology or explanation has 
been given by this Government. 

By the last steamer post, a communication was received here, through 
the British Minister at Chili, from the Earl of Clarendon, in which he re- 
fered to the insulting circumstances of the dismissal of the British Charge 
d'Affairs; but instead of charging the result, as he naturally would, and 
justly should, to the Government of Bolivia, holding it responsible, without 
regard to change of Administration, and demanding from it an apology, he 
ascribed it to an Administration which had ceased to exist, and, without 
asking any explanation, expressed a desire to renew Diplomatic relations, 
and proposed to send another Minister to Bolivia, if the Government 
would receive him. 

The quiet submission to this insult, ten fold greater than that which 
produced the recent bombardment of Canton, and the solicitation of a resto- 
ration of Diplomatic relations without apology or explanation, shew strikingly 
the elasticity of British policy that it makes pretexts of slight offences, or 
submits to grave ones, as its varied interests may dictate; and it indicates 
too, on the part of that Government, a desire, stronger than its self respect, 
to maintain and increase its influence in every part of South America. 

The Charge d 'Affaires, who was so summarily expelled from the country, 
soon after his arrival, was an accomplished civil engineer, and came here 
provided with a great variety of the instruments of his profession. It is said 
that he intended, and was about preparing to commence, an exploration of 
the regions bordering upon the tributaries of the Amazon. 

A communication from Buenos Ayres, in a late newspaper in this City, 
contains the following remark, "The most notable event is the arrival of 
the British Minister, who, it is said, comes with proposals for the establish- 
ment, and regulation of the Government of the Confederacy". Thus while 
we are avoided, suspected, and powerless, the British Government is inter- 
meddling, arranging, and establishing its influence. 

In a No. of the Union, by the last post, I have observed extracts from a 
treaty, recently negotiated, between Chili, Peru, and Ecuador; and I would 
refer the Department to its provisions, in confirmation of representations, 
made in Nos. 34 and 36, 1 of Spanish American apprehensions, jealousies, 
and consequent hostilities. 

1 Above, this part, docs. 421 and 422. 



80 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

The Government here was disappointed in its expectation of receiving, 
by the last steamer-post, a communication from the Minister of Costa Rica, 
indicating the time for the meeting of the Spanish American Congress; the 
note is expected on the arrival of the post tomorrow. 

By the last post a note was received, from the Government of Ecuador, 
expressing its approval of the proposed Congress, enclosing a note from Costa 
Rica on the subject, and urging the co-operation of this Government. 

In my No. 37 * I advised the Department of the reported movement of 
Prest. Castilla to obtain ships and men in San Francisco, to aid in sup- 
pressing the revolution in Peru; and that this Government had addressed 
Chili, and other States, remonstrating against this policy. The Government 
of Chili has since replied, concuring in the views presented by Bolivia; and 
expressing its determination to resist all attempts to introduce other Nation- 
alities into the quarrels in the Spanish American States, and to give immedi- 
ate assistance to Vivanco, (the chief of the revolutionists) if Castilla avails 
himself of aid from the North Americans. 

With high respect [etc.]. 



425 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States 2 

No. 42 LA PAZ, May 14, 1857. 

SIR: In my last despatch 3 1 remarked that I had sent a communication, 
on the day previous, to our Minister at Buenos Ayres, advising him of the 
nature of a contract, already made, with the Govt. of the Argentine Repub- 
lic, for the navigation of the river Bermejo, and of negotiations, pending 
with this Govt., for extending that navigation into Bolivia; and giving him 
information in detail in relation to the commerce of Bolivia, the character of 
the rivers Bermejo and Pilcomayo as indicated by previous explorations, and 
the practicability of facilitating and increasing that commerce by the 
navigation of these rivers: but, that, being mistaken in the day of the depar- 
ture of the post, I had not time to prepare a copy. With this I transmit it, 
marked -4 .* 

In a postscript to a former communication, a copy of which accompanied 
No. 40, 5 I advised him that a Co. at Salta, in the Argentine Republic, was 
negotiating a contract with that Govt. for the establishment of a line of 

1 Above, this part, doc. 423. 2 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I. 

3 .Not included in this publication. 

* This communication, dated April 27, 1857, is not included in the present publication. 

j ftuther reference to it, see vol. I, pt. n, Communications from Argentina, note 2 p. 644, 
and Peden s No. 83 to the Secretary of State, doc. 310, also, vol. i, pt. n. 

s Dana's No. 40, dated April 14, 1857, and the communication to the Minister at Buenos 
Aires, dated April 12, 1857, were not copied. 



DOCUMENT 425: MAY 14, 1857 Si 

steamers on the Bermejo, and had proposed to this Govt. to become a party 
to it. But I learned soon after that the contract had been absolutely con- 
cluded with the former Govt., and that the negotiations pending were with 
the latter only. 

The conclusion of this contract is a matter for regret, for it gives such 
privileges to the Co. as will, for the present, I fear, prevent others from 
participating in the commerce and navigation of that river; especially if this 
Govt. makes similar concessions to the same Co. to induce it to extend its 
line of steamers into Bolivia; and it will undoubtedly do this, unless pro- 
posals are received from other quarters. There having been no information 
abroad, derived from reliable explorations, of the capabilities of the river for 
navigation and commerce, the people of the country, without any competi- 
tion, have been able to make their own terms with the Govt. \Yhile our 
flag is shut out from the Paraguay and its tributaries, even for purposes of 
exploration, by the assumptions and policy of the Govt. of Paraguay, 
others are securing privileges which will operate to its exclusion, for years 
to come. 

The main Paraguay and its tributary, the Pilcomayo, are still free from 
Cos. protected by concessions or exclusive rights; and they are more im- 
portant, both on account of their length, and the territory which they drain, 
than the Bermejo, especially to Bolivia; because by the latter only the fron- 
tier can be reached, whereas, by the Pilcomayo, it is probable that naviga- 
tion can be extended through what are now the most productive portions 
of the Republic. In the accompanying communication to our Minister at 
Buenos Ayres, I have given him all the information I have been able, thus far, 
to obtain in relation to the practicability of navigating the Pilcomayo and 
the Bermejo to points which would command the commerce of Bolivia, and 
also in relation to that portion of its existing commerce, and prospective, 
which would be facilitated by such navigation. And I trust that this in- 
formation will enable our citizens wHo are engaged in maritime and com- 
mercial pursuits, in the vicinity of Buenos Ayres, to respond, if they wish, 
to the invitation recently issued by this Govt. for proposals for the explora- 
tion of the Pilcomayo; and to judge of the propriety of extending their 
operations into either, or both these rivers. From the examination given to 
the subject, I cannot but regard the navigation, especially of the Pilco- 
mayo, as worthy the consideration of our citizens both there, and at home. 

And I would here make the suggestion, not only as applying to these rivers, 
but to the general question of the navigation of all the rivers of South Amer- 
ica, that an early establishment of principles is important, if it is regarded 
as desirable that they be made free to the flags of exterior nations; for as the 
people of these countries become familiar with navigation, capable of direct- 
ing it, and with capital invested in it, they will be more and more inclined to 
favour, and unite in, the exclusive policy which has hitherto prevailed. 



82 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

Their general interests now demand the freedom of the rivers to exterior 
Hags, because they require facilities for transportation ; but when they learn 
that they can furnish to themselves those facilities, that motive will be 
withdrawn, and an adverse interest will take its place. 

I learn from my correspondence with our Minister at Buenos Ayres, 1 that 
a Commissioner has been sent by our Govt. to Paraguay, to obtain the cer- 
tification of the treaty with that Govt. which conceded to us the free navi- 
gation of the Paraguay and its tributaries. If his effort should be successful, 
early information of the fact might, perhaps, be made, by me, beneficial to 
our interests here. If he should unfortunately fail, I would suggest, that if I 
was authorised to proceed to Paraguay and treat with that Govt. upon the 
subject, I could probably obtain from the Govt. of Bolivia, interested as 
it is in the question, such co-operation and assistance as would be likely to 
secure the object desired; and such powers could, at the same time, be used 
to advantage in inducing this Govt. to make a favorable treaty with us in 
relation to the navigation of those, and other rivers, within the Bolivian 
limits. 

With high respect [etc.]. 

426 

John W. Dana, United Stales Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Juan de la Cruz 
Benarmte, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia 2 



A LA PAZ, July 27, 

SIR: On the reception of the note of His Excellency the Minister of Ex- 
terior Relations, of Oct. last, making inquiries in relation to the U. S. steamer 
Yerba* then reported to be at Oran, in the river Bermejo, the undersigned, 
Minister Resident of the United States, addressed his Govt. on the subject 
of the renewal of the expedition for the exploration of the tributaries of 
La Plata; 4 especially urging the great interest felt by the Govt. of His Excel- 
lency in the exploration of the Pilcomayo and Bermejo, and the great benefit 
which would result, not only to Bolivia, but to science and commerce generally. 
The undersigned has now the unfeigned pleasure to advise His Excel- 
lency the Minister, that he is in possession of communications from Lieut. 
Page 6 {the Chief of the former expedition in La Plata) which inform him 
that the expedition is to be renewed that the Govt. is constructing a 
steamer, under his direction, particularly adapted to the navigation of the 



/ S Ictter , t0 P ana ' Of J^oary 15, 1857, vol. I, pt. II, p. 630. 
'' enC 105ed ^ th Dana t0 the ScoW of State, No 43, below, 

\o rtl^ f w^ ed t0 K? ^ T fc - a PP car . i ? tlie manuscript volume. Dana explains, in his 

a "factory tnndation of this note, but tfct his reply 

4 See Dam's Xo. 27, above, this part, doc. 414 

n d n0t apPar in the manuscri P t volume. Their con- 



DOCUMENT 427 : JULY 27, 1857 83 

Pilcomayo and Berrnejo, requiring only 20 inches depth of water that he 
shall probably arrive in the waters of the Parana in the month of Nov. next 
and that there is, now, nothing to prevent the long desired exploration of 
those rivers (the Pilcomayo and Bermejo) except the political obstacles which 
the Govt. of Paraguay may interpose. 

In view of the fact that the objections of that Govt. was the sole cause that 
the former expedition failed to explore them, the undersigned would suggest 
the enquiry, whether the Govt. of His Excellency might not adopt some 
measures which would secure in advance the consent and co-operation of the 
Govt. of Paraguay, and thus guard against the only possible danger of a 
second disappointment. 

All that is necessary to a successful issue of this effort of the Govt. of the 
United States to extend the sphere of commerce, and enlarge the boundaries 
of geographical knowledge, is the countenance and sympathy of the Govts. 
which exercise jurisdiction over those waters; but its inflexible policy of non- 
intervention in the affairs of others its stern aspect for foreign jurisdictions 
would prevent the prosecution of a work, however great its benefits, under 
circumstances in the least degree violative of those principles. The preceed- 
ing suggestion, therefore, of the undersigned is neither more nor less than 
that the Govt. of Bolivia should endeavour to inspire that of Paraguy with 
its own liberal and enlightened views in the encouragement of this enterprise, 

The undersigned avails himself of this opportunity [etc.]. 



427 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States "* 

No. 43 LA PAZ, July 27, 1857. 

SIR: The last steamer post brought me a communication from Lieut. 
Page, of the late exploring expedition in La Plata, 2 informing me that he was 
authorized and preparing for a renewal of that expedition that he intended 
to explore the Pilcomayo and Bermejo and that the only obstacles to 
prevent his doing so were the objections which the Govt. of Paraguy might 
again interpose. 

On the reception of this communication I addressed a note to this Govt. 
advising it of the intended exploration of the Pilcomayo and Bermejo, and 
suggesting the adoption, on its part, of some measures to secure, in advance, 
the consent and co-operation of the Govt. of Paraguy, and thus avoid a 
second failure. A copy of the note is attached marked A. 3 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I. 

2 Lieutenant Page's letter does not appear in the manuscript volume. 

3 Above, this part, doc. 427. 



84 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

From the apprehensions expressed by Lieut. Page of the action of Paraguy 
I infer that my Govt. has not succeeded in obtaining the ratification of the 
treaty for the navigation of its rivers. If it be the case that that Govt. per- 
sists, still, in its restrictive policy, it seems to me that the proposed explora- 
tion of the Bolivian rivers the great interest which this Govt. feels in the 
subject and the danger that the policy of Paraguy will cause its failure 
are motives, all combined, which would induce this Govt. to lend its earnest, 
and probably effective, co-operation with that of the U. S. in any negotiations 
for the purpose of producing a change in that policy; and that, therefore the 
present combination of circumstances presents a rare opportunity for the 
accomplishment of the object. I refer the Department to the suggestions 
on this subject at the close of despatch No. 42,* and would add, that if 
clothed with the powers then proposed it would be my wish to return to the 
U. S. immediately on the conclusion of those negotiations. 

With high respect [etc.]. 



428 

Juan de la Cruz Benavente, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia, to John W. 
Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia 2 

SUCRE, August 18, 1857. 

SIR: I have the honor to have submitted to the knowledge of my Govt. 
the appreciable note of your Excellency of the 27^ of July ult. 3 

My Govt. is advised by it, that a new exploration will be instituted of the 
tributaries of La Plata, in a steamer, particularly adapted to the navigation 
of the rivers Pilcomayo and Bermejo, which is being constructed by the most 
excellent Govt of the United States, under the direction of Lieut. Page. 

My Govt., in view of the obstacles which the Govt. of Paraguy may inter- 
pose to the realization of an object so important; (as you also have expressed 
it) would have established a Legation in that country, at the moment of the 
reception of your despatch, but, as it is impossible to do so immediately, I 
have received orders to address the Cabinet of Asuncion, for the purpose of 
inducing, in that Cabinet, a policy favorable to a project so highly beneficial 
to Bolivia and Paraguy, and so highly honorable to the most excellent 
Govt. of the United States, as the exploration of the Pilcomayo and 
Bermejo. 

It remains for me, Sir, to manifest the high estimation with which His 
Excellency the Chief of the State values your generous and important coop- 
eration in whatever concerns the navigation of the rivers of the Republic 

1 Above, this part, doc. 425. 

2 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i, enclosed with Dana to the Secretary of State, No, 46, below, 
this part, doc. 430. 

3 Above, this part r doc. 426. 



DOCUMENT 429: AUGUST 28, 1857 85 

He desires that the honorable name of His Excellency Mr. Dana may for- 
ever be assosiated with the most prosperous results of that enterprise of 
illustration and advancement. 
I have the honor [etc.] . 

429 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States l 

No. 45 LA PAZ, August 28, 1857. 

SIR: I transmit, with this, a copy of the Message of the President to 
Congress, recently assembled, and of the Report of the Minister of Exterior 
Relations. 2 I do not regard the Documents, entire, of sufficient interest to 
the Department to require a translation, but will give below abstracts and 
extracts of such parts of the Report of the Minister as may have a bearing 
upon our relations with this, or other Spanish American States. The Mes- 
sage of the President is brief, and entirely general in its character, leaving 
the Ministers to give all desirable information in relation to subjects under 
their charge. 

On page 6^ of his report, the Minister says, that in July of last year his 
Govt. recvd a circular note from the Govt. of Venezuela proposing an Ameri- 
can Congress at Panama, and that the proposition was accepted. The notes 
on this subject are Docs. Nos. I and 2 of the correspondence annexed to the 
Report. On the same page, he says a like invitation was made by the 
Legation of Costa Rica in Lima for the meeting of an American Congress in 
the Capital of that State, which was accepted, more readily, because the 
note of the Ministers of Costa Rica contained grave information in relation 
to the condition of Central America, (for this correspondence see Docs. 5 
and 6) Then follows an account of the state of affairs in Nicaragua, in the 
course of which it is remarked, (page 7) that during the Administration of 
Rivas, the instrument and echo of Walker, the Cabinet of Washington 
recognized the new Govt. of Nicaragua; and that the Cabinet of Bogota 
protested against the recognition, and remitted the protest to this Govt., 
which adopted it (see Docs. Nos. 7, 8 & 9) And here, says the Report, I 
ought, as an act of justice to the Govt. of the United States, to advise you, 
that the recognition of that of Nicaragua under Rivas, was immediately 
withdrawn from the Govt. of Walker, when he succeeded to the Presidency. 
In the Despatch which the Minister of the United States addressed to this 
Govt. on the 27^ of Feb. last, 3 in refutation of the note of the Legation of 
Costa Rica, and which was received after this Govt. had adhered to the 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. 

2 These documents are not included in this publication. Both are printed in Spanish. 
The more important portions of the Minister's report are outlined in the despatch. 

3 Above, this part, doc. 418. 



86 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

protest of New Grenada, you will find luminous explanations which justify 
in an honorable manner the Govt of the United States (See Doc. 10 & 11). 

I would here remark, that the motive, indicated in the proposal from Vene- 
zuela for a Congress, is to unite more closely, in interest and feeling, the Span- 
ish American States, making no allusion to the United States, or Central 
American affairs The proposal from Costa Rica is contained in the offen- 
sive note, extracts from which I furnished the Department at a former 
date, 1 and to which I replied in the Note of Feb. 27 refered to by the Min- 
ister; a copy of this note is also in the possession of the Department. 2 The 
remark in the Report that the adhesion to the protest was given before the 
reception of my note, connected with the comments upon the note, may 
justly be taken as an apology for that adhesion, and tantamount to a with- 
drawal from it. 

The Report proceeds to say (page 8) " Our relations with the United States 
of N. A. are most friendly and satisfactory The Govt. wishes to increase 
and make them more intimate, and to respond with due estimation to the 
obliging manner in which the honorable gentleman J. W. Dana so well knows 
how to conduct them ... I take pleasure in manifesting to you the sympa- 
thies of this Govt. for the American Union a land classic of liberty, where man, 
elevated by education, labour, and industry, presents a model of a citizen." 

Pages 10. 11. & 12 are devoted to the subject of the navigation of the 
rivers, its importance, and the prospect of its realization. On the 12^ page 
is an account of the measures adopted to obtain information in relation to 
the cost, mode of construction &ct of steamers adapted to the exploration 
and navigation of the rivers, closing with the remark that these, and other 
important data, have been solicited from the United States, through its 
Legation here, its chief Senor Dana having lent his services with such 
gentlemanly courtesy that it has augmented the estimation of the Govt. for 
that honorable personage. On page 13 the expectation is expressed that the 
exploration, by the Govt. of the United States, of the tributaries of the La 
Plata, including the Pilcomayo, will be renewed. 

The only comment which the Report seems to elicit is, that, while, from 
the cordial kind feeling which the Govt. has always manifested, and from the 
extreme politeness of this people, I am not surprised at the complimentary 
allusions to myself, still, I was not prepared to find an uncalled for reference 
to my country in such laudatory terms, and much less a full justification of 
my Govt. in its policy towards Nicaragua. This state of things is to me pe- 
culiarly gratifying at a moment when the prejudices upon this subject, in 
Spanish America generally, are so strong as to furnish a motive for Con- 
gresses, treaties, and alliances, in hostility to the United States. 

With high respect [etc.]. 

1 See Dana's No. 33, above, this part, doc. 419, and note 71, thereof, p. 60. 

2 Above, this part, doc. 418. 



DOCUMENT 430 : AUGUST 28, 1857 87 

430 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States l 

No. 46 LA PAZ, August 28, 1857. 

SIR: With my despatch No. 43 2 was the copy of a note which I had ad- 
dressed to this Govt. 3 on the reception of a communication from Lieut. 
Page in relation to the anticipated renewal of the exploration of the tribu- 
taries of La Plata. Yesterday I received a reply from the Minister of Exte- 
rior Relations, a translation of which is attached to this. 4 

It will be perceived from the Ministers note that, while the Govt. is unable 
immediately to send a Minister to Paraguy for the purpose of regulating 
permanently the subject of the navigation of the rivers, it has opened a 
correspondence with that Govt. with the view of preventing it from throwing 
obstacles in the way of the proposed exploration of the Pilcomayo and Ber~ 
mejo. This movement is important for the success of our expedition; but 
it is still more important to secure rights of navigation after the exploration 
is concluded. It will be of little benefit to us to ascertain the fact that these 
rivers are navigable, if, after doing so, we are to be excluded from their use. 

Early after my arrival here in 1854, I received, with despatch No. 5 from 
the Department, 6 a draft of a treaty, and full powers to negotiate it, under 
general instructions contained in despatch No. 2. 6 In July of the same year 
I proposed to this Govt. to enter upon the negotiation of a treaty of Friend- 
ship, Commerce and Navigation, but the unsettled condition of the country, 
daily disturbed by attempts at revolutions, gave the then Administration 
(that of Belzu) little time to devote to its foreign relations, and the proposi- 
tion was promptly rejected. My impression then was, and still is, that the 
denial was, in a measure, induced by the conviction of an aggressive, over 
bearing policy on the part of the United States, and that a weaker State like 
this was more safe in the absence, than in the existence, of treaty relations 
with them. Soon after this refusal the filibustering operations of Walker 
commenced, first in Mexico, and after in Nicaragua, all of which, in the South 
American public mind, have been ascribed to the promptings, and indirect 
action of the Govt. of the United States, and have tended largely to increase 
the ever existing jealousies against us. Under this state of circumstances, 
and consequent feeling, I have judged it imprudent, up to this time, to renew 
my proposal for the negotiation of a treaty, thinking that it would only result 
in another refusal, and thus increase the difficulty when a more favorable 
opportunity should occur. But the general tone of the Report of the Minister 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I. 2 Above, this part, doc. 427. 

8 Above, this part, doc. 427. * Above, this part, doc. 428. 

5 This instruction, dated May 2, 1854, was not copied; it merely informed him that the 
draft of the treaty was enclosed. 
8 Above, this volume, pt. I, doc. 390. 



88 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

of Exterior Relations towards my country, and especially his unqualified 
approval of its policy towards Nicaragua, of which the Department will have 
been advised in No. 45, 1 have induced me to believe that such a change has 
taken place in the feeling of the Govt. as will render this a favorable moment 
to renew the proposal : and, in accordance with this view, I shall, at my ear- 
liest convenience, address the Minister upon the subject. My first object in 
the negotiation will be to secure, as far as possible, to our flag the same rights 
in Bolivia rivers as are enjoyed by that of Bolivia, and this will necessarily 
transfer to us all the Bolivian right to the use of its waters in their whole 
extent to the ocean a point which I regard as vital in our negotiations with 
Brazil and Paraguy, in furnishing a basis for our claim to the free navigation 
of their rivers. For unless our flag has recognized rights in the waters 
above, we have no more just claim to the transit use of their waters, than we 
should have if the entire rivers were within their jurisdiction or, in other 
words, our right to pass through their waters depends upon our right to 
enter the waters above. If other interior States see fit to say, as Peru has 
done in its treaty with Brazil, that they want no exterior commerce, but 
will limit the use of the rivers to the countries bordering upon them in that 
event, I regard the question of their free navigation as closed. Brazil views 
the question as turning upon that point, and, while postponing and delaying, 
is using every possible effort to bring the interior States to the adoption of 
that policy. Her recent treaty with Paraguy, which has been regarded by 
some as an indication of more liberal views, is perfectly consistent with that 
principle, only conceding the right of mutual use. My second object will be 
to interpose a barrier against grants of exclusive rights of navigation, either 
to States, or individuals. I have strong doubts of the success of the effort, 
but the circumstances to which I have refered, taken in connexion with the 
interest felt in our exploring expedition, indicate this as a most favorable 
opportunity. 
With high respect [etc.]. 

431 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Juan de la Cruz 
Benevente, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia 2 

A LA PAZ, September 3, 1857. 

SIR: His Excellency the Minister of Exterior Relations will perceive from 
the note of July 27^ from the Undersigned Minister Resident of the United 
States, 3 that the information therein given in relation to the renewal of the 

* See above, this part,, doc. 429. His No. 45 reviews the above-mentioned report of the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

* Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i, enclosed with Dana to the Secretary of State, No 47 
below, this part, doc. 432. ' *'' 

3 Above, this part, doc. 426. 



DOCUMENT 431: SEPTEMBER 3, 1857 89 

exploration of the tributaries of La Plata was not received officially but de- 
rived from a communication from Commander Page. 

He has now the pleasure of advising His Excellency that in answer to his 
several communications upon that subject in which he has expressed the 
interest felt by the Government of His Excellency in the exploration of the 
rivers of Bolivia, he has recieved a despatch from his Government 1 in which 
he is directed to inform the Government of Bolivia that preparations are 
now being made for the renewal of that enterprise, that among the tribu- 
taries which this exploration is designed to embrace, those passing through 
or bordering upon Bolivia are considered of primary importance, and that 
appreciating the solicitude manifested by the Bolivian Government on the 
subject it will use the means placed at its disposal to open if possible the 
waters of that country to commerce and navigation. 

The undersigned is further directed to express the hope of his Government 
that this determination will afford gratifying proofs to the Government of 
Bolivia of the friendly interest felt by the United States in promoting those 
enterprises which have for their object the developement of the internal 
resources of that country, and the consequent increase of those ties of friend- 
ship and mutual dependance which will result from the extension of the com- 
mercial intercourse between the two Republics. 

The undersigned cannot refrain from expressing his gratification at find- 
ing in the able report of His Excellency to Congress 2 such eloquent expres- 
sions of sympathy for his country, and an approval of the policy of his Gov- 
ernment so much misrepresented and misjudged in other quarters in relation 
to the affairs of Nicaragua. 

He has taken great pleasure in remitting to his Government the report 
as also the admirable Message of the President. Neither can the undersigned 
feel otherwise than grateful for the graceful allusions to himself, contained 
in the Report of His Excellency, and those expressed in his note of the i8^ 3 
all in the name of His Excellency the Chief of the State. It is true that he 
has endeavored to cooperate (as the note referred to kindly remarks he has 
done) "in whatever concerns the Navigation of the rivers of the Republic*' 
but if he had neglected this or any act which would have tended to advance 
the interests or enhance the prosperity of this country, he would have failed 
to represent the wishes and carry out the instructions of his Government. 
He principally regrets that he is unable to give positive and efficient coopera- 
tion commensurate with his desires to an enlightened Government, struggling 
against adverse circumstances to develop the rich resources of this young 
and interesting State, or in other words, he regrets that the kind expressions 
of His Excellency are not better merited. 

The undersigned avails himself of this occasion [etc.]. 

1 Cass to Dana, No. 12, above, this volume, pt. I, doc, 392. 

2 See Dana's No. 45 to the Secretary of State, above, this part, doc, 429. 
8 Above, this part, doc. 428. 



90 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

432 

John W , United Stales Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 

Secretary of Slate of the United States 1 

Xo 47 LA PAZ, September 12, 1857. 

SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the reception of a second despatch 
numbered 12 of July i gt s with a copy of a communication from the Secre- 
tary of the Navy, both relating to the renewal of the expedition for the 
exploration of the tributaries of La Plata. 

I had previously received a communication from Commander Page 3 
advising me of the determination of the Government on this subject, and 
had addressed, the Minister of Foreign affairs communicating to him that 
information. A copy of this note 4 accompanied despatch N. 43, 5 and a 
translation of his reply N 46.* Perhaps it was premature to communicate 
this determination until I had received it officially; but I had the double 
motive of placing it in the possession of the Minister before the meeting 
of Congress and of inducing an early action on the part of this Government 
to prevent that of Paraguay from placing any impediments in the way of 
the expedition. 

On the reception of the despatch above referred to N 12, I addressed 
another note to the Minister a copy of which is attached marked A. 7 

On the morning of the io& inst, private advices reached the enemies in 
this City of the Government that Linares, the unsuccessful candidate for 
the Presidency* in the last election, had made the journey from the coast 
privately by an unpopulated route s and had arrived at Oruro, a city mid- way 
between La Paz and Sucre that under a previous understanding, the 
officer in command transferred to him the regiment of artillery stationed there, 
and the fortress containing all the spare arms and munitions belonging to the 
Government and that immediately upon this transfer he was announced 
as and assumed the title of President. 

On the reception of this news in La Paz the revolutionary party gathered 

in bodies, and paraded the Streets crying "vivas" to Linares and pro- 

him as President. In the after part of the day some indications 

were given of an intent to attack the palace, and the authorities made a 

effort to disperse the crowd f but beyond this the one party confined 

itself to its "vivas" and proclamations, and the other to the defence of the 

public and the protection of the City against robbery and plunder. 

1 Bolivia, vol. i. 

* Above, this volume, pt. I, doc. 392. The communication from the Secretary of the 
Navy Is not in Instructions, Bolivia, vol. i. 

1 N'ot found in the manuscript volume. * Above, this part, doc. 426. 

* Above, part, cfoc. 427. 

Fee the Foreign Minister's reply sec above, this part, doc. 428. Dana's No. 46 is dated 

2 a, i $57, above, this part, doc. 430. 
f Abovr. tMs part, doc. 431. 



DOCUMENT 433: NOVEMBER 10, 1857 9! 

During the night after this demonstration, which was headed by Gen. 
Perez, he and the other leaders retired from the city, and it is supposed with 
the intention of joining Linares at Oruro, and of returning to attack this city 
after recruiting and arming men for that purpose. 

The recent revolutionary movements, so frequent here have been promptly 
suppressed; but now the revolutionists having in their possession all the 
arms and munition of war except those in the hands of about 1500 troops, 
my impression is that the aspect of affairs is serious for the existing Govern- 
ment and the result may probably be its overthrow. 

In my despatch No. 46 1 1 expressed the intention of opening a correspond- 
ence with this Government in relation to the negotiation of a treaty; and 
with that view prepared a note upon the subject to forward by the post 
today, but under existing circumstances have judged it better to withhold 
it for the present. 

With high respect [etc.]. 

433 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Jose Maria 
Linares, President of Bolivia 2 

LA PAZ, November 10, 16*57. 

SIR: The Govt of the United States, which the undersigned has the honour 
to represent, has ever inflexibly required of its Diplomatic Agents abroad 
that they entirely refrain from participation in all political questions and 
controversies arising in the Countries to which they are accredited. And it 
as rigidly requires that they recognize whatever Govt. may exist, without 
questioning its origin or character acting upon the broad principle that 
every State has the right to determine for itself, without exterior influence, 
what form of Govt. is best adapted to its condition, and what persons are 
most capable of administering it. 

Under the first of these rules, the undersigned has felt it his duty, up to this 
time, to remain a spectator, merely, of the great events which, for the last 
two months, have been so rapidly transpiring throughout the Republic; 
though at the same time hoping most ardently that, under the direction of 
Him who holds the nations in His hand, the sufferings and sacrifices, always 
attendant upon popular changes, might so result as to give peace, prosperity, 
and advancement, to the Country. 

In quick succession he has seen City after City, and Department after 
Department throw off their allegiance to the former Govt. and, with rare and 
remarkable unanimity, proclaim Your Excellency the Chief of the Republic; 

1 Above, this part, doc. 430. 

2 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I, enclosed with Dana to the Secretary of State, No. 53, below, 
this part, doc. 434. 



cp PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

so that now your authority is universally recognized throughout the length 
and breadth of the land. 

Under this state of facts, in accordance with the second of the rules to 
m-hich he has refered, it is the duty, as well as the pleasure, of the under- 
signed, in the name of his Govt a Govt. which ever feels a deep sympathy 
in whatever concerns the prosperity of the sister Republics of this Continent 
to recognize the act of the sovereign people of Bolivia which has confided 
to the hands of Your Excellency the supreme Executive power, and he ar- 
dently desires that that power may be exerted to strengthen the friendly 
relations already existing, and to establish others more intimate, between the 
nation over which You preside, and that which he represents. 

While making this recognition, the undersigned congratulates the country 
that it has passed through a crisis, usually so trying, with comparatively, so 
small an expenditure of blood and treasure. And he felicitates Your. Excel- 
lency on the distinguished honour of being called to the Chief Magistracy of 
the Republic; and on the still higher honour of entering upon its duties under 
circumstances so expressive of the spontaneous and universal confidence of a 
free and enlightened people. He earnestly hopes and confidently antici- 
pates that, under the Administration so auspiciously inaugurated, Bolivia 
mill march rapidly forward to occupy the position, for which nature obvi- 
ously designed her, among the first of American Republics. 

The undersigned avails himself of this occasion [etc.]. 



434 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 

Secretary of State of the United States * 

No. 53 LA PAZ, November 12, 1857. 

SIR: On the 9 th inst. Prest. Linares made his entrance to this City, and his 
reception was a very cordial and enthusiastic one. I accompanied the chief 

authorities to a point about two leagues hence to meet him, where I was 
presented, and tendered to him my felicitations, and returned and dined with 
him. On the next day I sent him a note of formal recognition as President 
of the Republic, a copy of which is attached marked A; 2 and the same day 

upon him at the palace. 

On all these occasions he has expressed a high respect for the Govt. of the 
United States, and a strong desire to cultivate the most intimate relations, 
On an allusion of mine to the prejudices existing against my Govt. through- 
out the Spanish American States, he remarked that the more enlightened and 
intelligent did not entertain them but sentiments the reverse. When -we 
1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I. 2 Above, this part, doc. 433. 



DOCUMENT 435 : NOVEMBER l6, 1857 93 

separated last, he told me that he had a great work before him in establish- 
ing real Republican institutions in the country, and that he desired to confer 
with me freely on the subject. 

The Country remains quiet, and the President will, in a few days, appoint 
his Ministers, and commence the work of the re-organization of the Gov- 
ernment. 

With high respect [etc. I. 

435 

Ruperto Fernandez, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia, to John W. Dana, 
United States Minister Resident in Bolivia l 

[TRANSLATION] 
A LA PAZ, November 16, 1857. 

SIR: His Excellency the Provisional President of the Republic has had 
the honour to receive, in its due time, the communication of the 10^ inst. 
which Mr. Dana, Minister Resident of the Govt. of the United States, has 
done him the favour to address him. 2 The numerous and pressing duties of 
His Excellency have not permitted him to reply with the promptness which 
he desired; but, today, the undersigned has been directed to do so, and 
complies with a duty so agreeable. 

The Govt. of the United States, which occupies a very distinguished posi- 
tion among those in the vanguard of civilization, could do no less than pre- 
scribe to its Representatives, as a rigid duty, to abstain from taking part in 
the domestic controversies and dissensions which might arise in the countries 
to which they are accredited; nor could it refrain from recognizing the 
unquestionable right of every people to establish that form of Govt. which 
appears to them best, and to commit the direction of their destinies to such 
individuals as they wish, requiring of its Diplomatic and Consular Agents 
the most religious regard for those rights. Such will be, also, the maxim 
of the present Govt. of Bolivia, in its relations with other Govts., and to this 
it will subject all persons who represent it in other countries or States. 

The extraordinary revolution which the people of Bolivia have consum- 
mated cannot fail to excite the most lively sympathy in one so enlightened 
as the Agent of the Govt. of the United States; and his satisfaction, that it 
has triumphed at the cost of so little blood, is natural in characters so noble 
and elevated as that of Mr. Dana. The desires too which he manifests for 
the advancement and prosperity of Bolivia are only such as would be an- 
ticipated in him; and all this the Provisional President acknowledges with 
the most cordial expression. In like manner he receives the felicitations 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. I , enclosed with Dana to the Secretary of State, No. 54, below, 
this part, doc. 436. 

2 Above, this part, doc. 433. 



94 



PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 



to him, that his country the favourite child of the immortal 

Bolivar had thought him worthy to be elevated to the Chief Magistracy. 

His Excellency, who is penetrated with the necessity and importance of 
establishing the best relations with all the leading Govts. and to cultivate, 
with careful attention, those already existing, will devote to this object all 
his efforts; having for his invariable rule, in his exterior policy, respect for 
foreign rights, without conceding other preferences than such as the well 
understood interests of Bolivia require, and which will not, in any degree, 
prejudice other countries, or detract from his dignity and decorrum. 

Such are the sentiments which, in reply to Mr. Dana, the undersigned has 
the honour to transmit, in the name of the President, and, while doing so, it 
only remains to present to Mr. Dana assurances of the high regard and dis- 
tinguished consideration with which he subscribes himself [etc.]. 



436 

W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of Stale of the United Slates 1 

No, 54 LA PAZ, November 28, 1857. 

SIR: I transmit herewith a translation, marked A., 2 of a note in reply to 
mine t to the President, 1 in recognition of his Govt., a copy of which accom- 

despatch Xo. 53. 4 

I have not yet officially addressed the President on the subject of the 
violation of my house, but in an informal conversation with him, a few days 
since, I remarked that I should be under the necessity of calling his attention 
to an unpleasant occurrence, which involved important rights and duties, 
but that I should refrain from doing so until his Ministry was organized, and 
he in a measure relieved from his now, pressing engagements. He thanked 
me for my consideration in delay, and replied that I should find him ever 

to recognize and regard all international obligations. 

My relations are, apparently, very well with him, and I shall endeavour to 
this question in such a manner as not to disturb them, with the 
I may secure treaty arrangements in relation to the navigation of 
the Bolivian tributaries of tie Amazon and La Plata. 
With respect [etc.]. 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. i. 2 Above, this part, doc. 435. 

3 Above, this part, doc. 433. 4 Above, this part, doc. 434. 



DOCUMENT 437: FEBRUARY 24, 1858 95 

437 

John W, Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States l 

No. 62 LA PAZ, February 24, 1858. 

SIR: On the 22 S inst I addressed a note to the Minister of Exterior Rela- 
tions (a copy is attached marked A) 2 proposing to enter upon the negotiation 
of a treaty; and hope that I shall be able to introduce a provision which will 
preclude this Govt. from adopting the Brazilian and Peruvian principle of 
exclusion of exterior flags from the Amazon and its tributaries. The Presi- 
dent expects the arrival, in a few months, of a Minister from Brazil ; and I 
have much fear that that Govt., by proposals to extend its Amazonian line 
of steamers up the Madera [Madeira] into Bolivia, will be able to induce this 
Govt. to adopt its exclusion policy, unless it is previously bound to a different 
one. 

The question has been proposed to me, both by the Prest., and some of the 
Ministers, viz: In the event that this Govt. should offer concessions sufficient 
to induce a company in the U. S. to establish a line of steamers, through the 
Amazon and Madera [Madeira], into Bolivia, will the Govt of the U. S. protect 
such Co. in its right to enter, and pass through, the Amazon? This question I 
am not prepared to answer, and it is very important that it should be 
promptly, and satisfactorily, answered, both as an inducement to this Govt 
to offer such concessions, (a subject which it is now considering) and, what is 
still more important, as an inducement to it to withhold its assent from the 
Brazilian doctrine of exclusion. If this Govt. cannot rely upon some strong 
power to protect an exterior flag in the exercise of the rights which may be 
given it to enter, through Brazilian, into Bolivian waters, then it (this Govt.) 
will regard the right of free passage of its own and other flags, to and from the 
Ocean, as but an abstract right, useless of assertion, and will avail itself of 
the lesser, but more sure and practical, advantages which Brazil will readily 
offer. Bolivia will of course be governed by her own interests in the matter 
possibly by those immediate, rather than ultimate and rny opinion is, 
that, unless she has assurances, from some exterior power , that it will join 
with her in the practical assertion of the free navigation of these rivers, she 
will yield to the first plausible proposition which Brazil may make to her, 
unless withheld from doing so by a previous treaty with us. Whether this 
barrier can be interposed is yet to be seen. When it is considered that the 
right of exterior flags to pass through the Amazon depends upon the concur- 
rence of the States above that Peru has, already, denied that right and 
that Bolivia is, probably, the only remaining State accessible by waters now 
navigable, and, consequently, the only State to give, or withhold, that con- 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2. 

2 The enclosed note was not copied; it makes no definite proposals other than an offer 
to enter upon negotiations. 



96 PART II I COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

currence when all this [is?] considered the position which Bolivia may 
assume must be regarded as vital, either for, or against, the free navigation 
of the Amazon. A satisfactory answer to the question, above referred to, so 
pointedly put to her by the Prest. and Ministers, I doubt not would secure a 
position, on their part, satisfactory to us in relation to this question. 

With these explanations I submit to the Department, as a matter worthy 
its consideration, the propriety of enabling this Legation to give to this Govt 
assurances of protection to a U. S. Co., if one should be organized, in the 
passage of its steamers, through the Amazon, into Bolivia. We have been 
negotiating with Brazil for the last four years about the mere theoretical 
right, and, while we have been doing this, she has taken away one of the 
principle supports of that right, (Peru) and the other remaining one (Bo- 
livia) may, at any moment, be abstracted. But here is an opportunity to 
treat the question practically, and before it becomes entirely a closed one 
against us. 

In connexion with this subject, it is proper for me to make a remark in 
relation to the boundaries of Bolivia. I think the map which accompanies 
Gibbon's report, (it is not before me) as well as nearly all the maps of South 
America, only extend the territory of Bolivia northwardly to a line drawn 
west from the junction of the Mamore and the Beni; whereas the north line, 
as claimed by Bolivia, and undoubtedly the true one, is a line drawn west from 
a point on the Madera [Madeira] equi-distant from the above named junc- 
tion and that of the Madera with the Amazon. The latter line extends the 
territory of Bolivia a long distance below the falls on the Madera; so that Bo- 
livian jurisdiction can be reached through waters that offer not the slightest 
obstruction to navigation. The territory included between these two lines is 
assigned by the maps to Peru, but I am told, by the Prest., and other intelli- 
gent persons, that she has never asserted a claim to it. I am informed that 
the Brazilian line of steamers on the Amazon makes monthly trips to a town 
70 leagues up the Madera, and supposed to be 150 leagues below the falls. 
Brazil, therefore, by extending this route that distance would reach Bolivia, 
and, at the same time, facilitate the commerce with her diamond regions 
near the head waters of the Itenez [Itenez?]. This, with small steamers above 
the falls until those obstructions are removed, or avoided, is what Bolivia 
peculiarly requires; and it Is the bribe which I fear Brazil will offer, and 
Bolivia accept, for her adhesion to the exclusion policy, unless some other 
mode of realizing this necessity is presented. 

With high respect [etc.]. 



DOCUMENT 439: MARCH 9, 1858 97 

438 

John W. Dana, United, States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lucas M> de la 
Tapia, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia * 

A LA PAZ, March 6, 1858. 

SIR: The Govt. of the undersigned has ordered to La Plata an expedition 
for the purpose of exploring the tributaries of that river. The expedition is 
purely of a scientific nature, and designed to act in harmony with the wishes 
of the Govts. which have rightful jurisdiction over the waters to be explored. 
The rivers Paraguay, Pilcomayo, and Bermejo drain important portions of 
Bolivia, and probably may be made valuable channels of their import and 
export trade. i 

The undersigned doubts not that the enlightened Govt. of His Excellency 
will look favorably upon this effort to add to scientific and geographical 
knowledge, and therefore refrains from presenting to it any suggestions rela- 
tive to the value and importance of its results. But the Govt. of the under- 
signed, scrupulously regarding the jurisdictional rights of other States, will 
not carry to attainment and realization these results, however valuable and 
important they may be to the world at large, unless it can do so in accord- 
ance with the known wishes of the Govts. more directly interested. 

For these reasons the undersigned addresses himself to His Excellency the 
Minister of Exterior Relations, asking an expression of the views and feelings 
of his Govt. in relation to the extension of this expedition into Bolivia, 
through the waters of the Paraguay, the Pilcomayo and Bermejo. 

With sentiments of most high regard [etc.]. 



439 

Lucas M. de la Tapia, Minister of Foreign A fairs of Bolivia, to John W. Dana, 
United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, 2 

[TRANSLATION] 
B LA PAZ, March p, 1858. 

SIR: The undersigned has presented to the President of the Republic the 
note of His Excellency the Minister of the United States, of the 6^ inst., 3 
in which, after informing that his Govt. had ordered a purely scientific ex- 
pedition to La Plata, for the purpose of exploring the tributaries of that 
river, in harmony with the wishes of the States which have jurisdictional 
rights over their waters, he is pleased to ask the views and sentiments of 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2, enclosed with Dana to the Secretary of State, No. 65, below. 
this part, doc. 440. 

2 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2, enclosed with Dana to the Secretary of State, No. 65, below, 
this part, doc. 440. 

3 Above, this part, doc. 438. 



98 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

this Govt. in relation to the extension of that exploration into the rivers 
Paraguay, Pilcomayo and Bermejo. 

The undersigned has been directed by the Prest. to answer His Excellency, 
Senor Dana, giving the approbation, and good will, of the Bolivian Govt. to 
the expedition projected, and ordered, by the Govt. of the United States, so 
far as it applies to the rivers Paraguay, Pilcomayo, and Bermejo, which 
carry to La Plata important waters of Bolivia. Far from imposing any limi- 
tations to the fluvial journeys of the exploring commission, the Govt. of 
Bolivia will lend to it all the auxiliaries which it may require, as soon as it 
shall be advised, by the authorities, of its arrival within the territory of the 
Republic; because it comprehends the magnitude of the effort, and the im- 
portance of its results, for science, for commerce, and for civilization. 

With sentiments of the most distinguished consideration [etc,]. 



440 

John W. Dana, United Slates Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States 1 

Xo- ^5 LA PAZ, March jj, 1838. 

SIR: On reading the Message of the Prest., and the Report of the Secre- 
tary of the Xavy, I regret to find that our relations with Paraguay are still 
unsatisfactory*, and that that condition of things may probably prevent the 
exploration, by our expedition in La Plata, of the rivers Paraguay, Pilcomayo 
and Bermejo Regarding its failure to do so as exceedingly unfortunate, and 
to be avoided if possible, I sought immediately an interview with the Prest. 
of this Republic to see if the cause which threatened it (the opposition of 
Paraguay) could not be obviated. 

After I had explained to him the precise state of the matter, he told me 
that, immediately on the reception of a reply to his note to the Prest. of 
Paraguay, announcing his elevation to the Presidency, he would address 
him upon this subject, and, if possible, induce him to refrain from the 
inteipositlon of any obstacles to the exploration. He told me also that 
the territory of Paraguay does not, in any part, extend to the west side of 
the river Paraguay; but that its western boundary is that river; and that, 
consequently, that Govt. can only exercise over the river a joint jurisdiction 
with Bolivia and the Argentine, precisely as it can exercise a joint jurisdiction 
with the Argentine over the Parana: although it is true that Paraguay 
territory on the west side of the Paraguay, as she also claims, or has 
done, the State of Corrientes on the south side of the Parana and that, 
consequently, he regarded her right, derived from jurisdiction, to obstruct 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2. 



DOCUMENT 440: MARCH 13, 1858 99 

the exploration of the Paraguay, as resting upon no better foundation than 
her right to obstruct the exploration of the Parana. As to the Pilcomayo 
and Bermejo he denied to her all interests, rights, or jurisdiction, whatever; 
although she had asserted a preposterous claim to extend across the Paraguay 
and Pilcomayo to the Bermejo, making the latter river, instead of the Para- 
guay, her western boundary but that even that claim, unfounded as it was, 
would only leave here a jurisdiction joint with the Argentine and Bolivia 
over the Bermejo. He also advised me, that a Minister from the Argentine 
had already arrived at Sucre, (Chuquisaca) with powers to negotiate a 
treaty of commerce, navigation, and limits, with Bolivia that he would en- 
ter immediately upon the negotiation of the treaty and that, if the Minister 
of the Argentine would consent to it, (of which he had no doubt) he would 
have incorporated into the treaty a declaration of the freedom of these 
rivers, not only to this scientific expedition, but to the flags of all nations 
for commercial purposes: and an agreement for joint action, if necessary, to 
enforce that principle upon Paraguay. I suggested, that, as there was a 
question of limits to be adjusted, probably, it would occupy so much time, 
that the treaty would be concluded too late to have any influence upon the 
exploring expedition. To this he replied, that he would leave the question 
of limits to a separate, subsequent, treaty, and arrange, at the earliest possi- 
ble moment, that of navigation, so that the exploring expedition might 
have the benefit of the declaration which he proposed to insert. He also 
informed me, that the Argentine Govt. had determined to declare war against 
Paraguay on account of the violation of its rights of navigation, as recog- 
nized by former treaties, and that it only awaited, in doing so, the meeting 
of Congress. I told the Prest. it was possible that, under the full explana- 
tion which I intended to give of the condition of things, my Govt. might, if 
it had not already done so, give instructions for the exploration of the rivers 
interesting to Bolivia, (Paraguay, Pilcomayo and Bermejo) notwithstanding 
the continued opposition of the Govt. of Paraguay that it would be more 
likely to do so under a formal expression of the wishes of his Govt. on the 
subject and that, if he approved of it, I would address the Minister of 
Exterior Relations with a view to obtain that expression. To this he as- 
sented, expressing an earnest wish that the exploration of those rivers might 
be realized. 

In accordance with this arrangement, I transmitted to the Minister, on 
the 6^ inst., a note, a copy of which is attached, marked A, 1 and received, 
on the 9^, a reply, the translation of which is marked B. 2 

That rny Govt. may have a more perfect idea of the question of jurisdiction 

over these rivers, and of the actual rights of Paraguay, upon which to found, 

if it wishes, future instructions to the exploring expedition, I will give a brief 

explanation of the existing conflict of titles or claims. As given generally 

1 Above, this part, doc. 438, 2 Above, this part, doc. 439. 



100 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

by the maps, the southern line of that part of Bolivia which is eastward of 
the head waters of the Bermejo is an imaginary line, drawn from the said 
head waters of the Bermejo, in an easterly direction, (I think near the 215* 
parallel of south latitude) to the river Paraguay. All the territory south 
of this line and between the rivers Bermejo and Paraguay, as far south as 
the junction of those two rivers, is claimed by the Argentine Republic, 
Bolivia, and Paraguay, and within it is included the mouth and a large por- 
tion of the valley of the Pilcomayo a region represented as one of the most 
desirable and delightful in South America. I have given some attention to 
the question, and cannot find the slightest foundation for the claim, of Para- 
guay to any portion of this territory the river Paraguay, obviously, being 
intended as her western boundary. As to the merits of the respective claims 
of Bolivia and the Argentine I cannot so well judge, for I have not had that 
fell access to ancient decrees and documents, applicable to the question which 
is necessary to form a reliable opinion. But Paraguay, bounded, as she 
should be, on the west, by the river Paraguay, is only entitled, as over the 
Parana, to a divided jurisdiction, to be shared with Bolivia, or with the 
Argentine leaving her exclusive jurisdiction at no point; and leaving Bo- 
livia and the Argentine, one, or both, in joint jurisdiction with Paraguay 
and Brazil during the whole course of the river. And if it be true, as just 
expressed, that Paraguay is bounded on the west by the river Paraguay, 
then, of course, she is excluded from all rights over the Pilcomayo and Ber- 
mejo. Paraguay being thus limited to a joint jurisdiction over the river 
Paraguay, and excluded from all jurisdiction over the Pilcomayo and Ber- 
mejo, it becomes a matter of no importance to the question of exploration 
and navigation whether the disputed territory belongs to the one or the 
other, Bolivia or the Argentine as this policy is the same, and our ex- 
ploring expedition has full license from both to enter all these rivers and 
shall Paraguay, with her unfounded territorial pretensions, and with her 
semi-barbarous policy, deprive us of that right, and also deprive the other 
two Republics, as well as the world at large, of the benefits of its exercise? 
But suppose that our Govt choose to regard the territorial claims of Para- 
guay as of such a nature as not to justify denial, or resistance, in the prose- 
cution of this exploration even then, giving the largest latitude to her 
pretensions, and treating the whole of the disputed territory as hers, she only 
extends westward to the Bermejo, and can only claim a joint jurisdiction 
with the Argentine over that river leaving the same principles to govern 
its exploration and navigation as apply to the Parana. Under this view 
of the case our Govt. may feel it necessary to refrain from the exploration of 
the Paraguay and Pilcomayo, but it may prosecute that of the Bermejo, 
with as perfect a right as it has to explore the Parana. 

But there is another principle under which we may justify the exploration 
<-.f all thtse rivers a principle which our Govt. has ever asserted, but has 



DOCUMENT 440: MARCH 13, 1858 10 1 

never practically applied to the rivers of South America and which, in my 
view, it may practically apply in this case under the most favorable, because 
disinterested, circumstances. I refer to the principle tinder which we have so 
long claimed from Brazil the right to enter the Amazon, and pass through her 
territory, to the States above. For the purpose of illustrating more clearly 
the application of that principle to the rivers in question (the Paraguay, 
Pilcomayo, and Bermejo) I will suppose Paraguay entitled to all, and even 
more than she claims, undivided jurisdiction over the three, after they 
have passed the line to which I have previously l as given by the 
maps for the south line of Bolivia. Above, or to the north of that line, 
no one questions the rights of Bolivia; and there, in undisputed Bolivian 
territory, are the principal sources of all these rivers, and undoubtedly 
navigable. Conceeding to her jurisdiction below, has Paraguay the right 
to prevent even a scientific expedition from passing through her waters into 
the waters of Bolivia, at the request of the Govt. of Bolivia? And if, under 
such circumstances, we permit our expedition to return without exploring 
these rivers, because the little Republic of Paraguay forbids it, can we, after- 
wards, convince Brazil that we are in earnest in the assertion of this prin- 
ciple, or that we will, if long denied, practically enforce it upon the Amazon? 
It appears to me that such a course is but a notice to Brazil that we are not 
in earnest in relation to the free navigation of the Amazon, and that she has 
only to persist in her denial to make it effectual. And, what is still worse, 
it is a notice to the interior States, that they cannot rely upon our co-opera- 
tion in securing their rights of navigation thus forcing them to accept the 
concessions and privileges which Brazil may offer, and to adopt, in return, 
her exclusive policy. My views of the probabilities and consequences of 
their doing so are given, at length, in despatch No. 62. In fact I consider as 
involved in this matter, not only the success, or comparative failure of our 
exploring expedition; but also the practical assertion, or the apparent aban- 
donment, of the principle of the free navigation of the rivers of South 
America; and that that apparent abandonment, although not intended as 
such, will tend to produce such a change in the relations of parties as will 
deprive us, hereafter, of all pretence of a right to their navigation. If our 
Govt. wish to apply this principle, in its instructions to the exploring ex- 
pedition, it will find full justification in doing so under the license from this 
Govt. contained in the note, above referred to, as attached marked B. ; 2 
and it was for the purpose of placing it in the strongest position possible for 
the assertion of the principle that I obtained the formal license. 

It is possible that the intervention of this Govt. with that of Paraguay 
may induce it to withhold the anticipated opposition ; or that the proposed 
treaty with the Argentine may change the aspect of the question. I shall 

1 The word following " previously " is illegible in the manuscript volume. 

2 Above, this part, doc. 439. 



102 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

inform myself, and advise the Department, of whatever results may be 
attained. 

Finding that full information in relation to the rights and jurisdictions, 
actual and claimed, over these rivers, might not be accessible to the Govt., 
and might be useful in determining its policy, I have taken the liberty to 
endeavor, in a measure to supply the deficiency, and trust that the effort 
may not be entirely fruitless. 

With high respect [etc.]. 

441 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States * 

[EXTRACT] 
Xo. 68 LA PAZ, May 13, 1858. 

SIR: With this, I transmit a treaty, this day executed, between the United 
States and Bolivia. 2 . . . 

The provisions of article 16, in relation to free ships and free goods, are the 
same as those contained in our treaty with Russia on that subject, but ex- 
tending the freedom to persons, as well as property. Article 26 contains a 
declaration, as full as could be desired, of the principle of the freedom of the 
rivers Amazon and La Plata, with their tributaries, to exterior flags: and 
Article 27. allows us to put up, or construct, steamers on their Bolivian 
tributaries; and gives to them the interior or coasting, as well as exterior, 
trade with, and between, all places accessible to them. It is uncertain at 
what time a Congress may be convened here, and I have fears that the inter- 
vention and influence of Brazil may induce an opposition to the ratification 
of the provisions in relation to the rivers. 

With high respect [etc.]. 

P. S. I find that a provision is omitted, in the English copy, which the 
Bolivian negotiator required to be added to the 13^ Article; and at a time 
when it is impossible to prepare another copy. For that reason a sentence 
will be found added to that article on another paper attached. 

I regard two features of the treaty as particularly important: 

I** The declaration of the freedom of the rivers, in its bearing upon the 
general question of the navigation of the Amazon. 

2^ That it will preclude the concession of any exclusive privileges, upon 
the Bolivian tributaries, for the purpose of improving the rivers, or establish- 
ing navigation upon them, unless those concessions be made to citizens of 
the United States. 

, r, . J- W - DANA 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2. 

2 Xo copy of this treaty appears in the manuscript volume, but the most important articles 
are outlined m the despatch. The omitted portion reviews briefly, article by article, the 
provisions of the treaty. 



DOCUMENT 443 I MAY 28, 1858 lOJ 

442 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States L 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 69 LA PAZ, May 13, 1858. 

SIR: . . . The formef Govts. of Bolivia have been in the habit of looking 
to Europe, and especially to France, for models and examples in all their 
efforts for improvement: and it is in a measure under the influence of my 
suggestions, coupled with a desire on the part of the present Govt. to learn 
from, and to establish more intimate relations with, our country, that this 
commission has been sent to the United States. In my view, friendly rela- 
tions, and a pacific policy will extend, in the Spanish American countries, 
our interests, our commerce, and institutions, much more rapidly than all the 
fillibustering expeditions that can be devised. It is true that there are strong 
prejudices, jealousies, and fears, to be overcome, and our people have given 
too much foundation for them; but my judgment and experience is, that they 
readily yield to liberal, frank, honorable, dealing. The allusion by Prest. 
Buchanan, in his annual message, to our relations with Spanish America, and 
his special message in relation to the seizure of Walker, both of which I have 
translated and had published here, have had a strong influence in correcting 
public sentiment, and have produced a very favorable impression upon the 
Govt. 

With high respect [etc.]. 

443 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States 2 

No. 70 LA PAZ, May 28, 1858. 

SIR: In my despatch No. 68, 3 which accompanied the treaty, I had not 
time to remark, as fully as I desired, in relation to Articles No. 26 and 27, 
which articles I regard as the important nature of the treaty. 

First, they furnish a basis, and perfect justification, for any measures our 
Govt. may see fit to adopt in resistance of the exclusive policy of Brazil in 
relation to the Amazon, or of Paraguay in relation to the Paraguay. 

Again, by giving us the right of constructing steamers upon, and of navi- 
gating all the Bolivian rivers, and, in addition to the exterior trade, the 
carrying and traffic between all the places upon them, this Govt. is pre- 
cluded from granting any exclusive privileges to induce the improvement and 
navigation of any of these rivers, except it be to citizens of the United States. 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2. The omitted portion tells of a commission's going to the 
United States to get a map published, and to study penal and other institutions. 

2 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2. 3 Above, this part, doc. 44.1. 



I0 ^ PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

European capitalists are giving attention to these rivers, especially the 
tributaries of the Amazon, and several propositions have been made by them 
for removing the obstructions and establishing lines of steamers. One 
formal proposition, made about two years since, by a French Co., asked the 
exclusive navigation of the rivers for 99 years. I succeeded, at the time, in 
preventing its acceptance, by representing the duration of the exclusive right 
as unreasonable, and by various other considerations and influences which I 
brought to bear. 

I consider, however, that the only means which this Govt. can command 
for the introduction of navigation upon its rivers, is the granting of an exclu- 
sive right for a term of years; and that the country to whose flag is conceeded 
that exclusive right will, during that term of years, secure a commanding 
influence here in the heart, and, perhaps, in the future, the most important 
part, of South America. The treaty, if I am as fortunate in its ratification 
as in its negotiation, will secure to our flag this exclusive right, if it is granted 
at all, because it precludes such commission to any other. 

Here then are concisely the important features of this treaty: 

ii* That the country which has an unquestioned right to so asserts [sic] 
the doctrine of the freedom of the Amazon and La Plata, with their tribu- 
taries, to exterior flags. 

2i That, being under the necessity of granting exclusive rights for the 
improvement and navigation of its own tributaries, those exclusive rights 
must necessarily be granted to us, and, as a consequence, we will secure a 
permanent commercial and political influence in the country granting them, 
and an influence indirect, but substantial, in all the countries which we 
traverse to reach it, which includes a large portion of South America. 

That this Govt is prepared and anxious to make liberal concessions to any 
Co. that will undertake the navigation of its rivers there is no doubt. 

It should be borne in mind that Bolivia, as is shown by the map to which 
I referred in No. 69, 1 extends below the obstructions on the Madera, leaving 
her territory perfectly accessible to steamers from the ocean. 

The Govt. expects to leave here in about two weeks for the capital, (Sucre) 
and, if things remain quiet, will probably convene a Congress there. If that 
is done, I shall proceed to Sucre with a view to secure the ratification of the 
treaty, which may be endangered by Brazilian influences, or by its conflict 
with proposals which may be received from any other quarter for the 
navigation of the rivers. 

Final action being had upon this subject, I shall ask my recall, not wish- 
ing to remain here, at the longest, beyond the early spring (March or April) 

With high respect [etc.]. 

1 Above, this part, doc. 442. 



DOCUMENT 444: JUNE 13, 1858 IO5 

444 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States 1 

No. 71 LA PAZ, June Jj, 1858. 

SIR: The treaty between the United States and the Argentine Confedera- 
tion, in relation to the free navigation of the tributaries of La Plata, signed 
July iol^ 1853., provides in article 7. that Bolivia, as well as other States, may 
become a party to said treaty. The treaty, as it now stands, only applies to 
the Parana and Uruguai, but, under said Article 7, the adhesion of Bolivia 
would bind the Argentine, as well as Bolivian Govt., to apply the same prin- 
ciples to the Paraguay, and its tributaries the Pilcornayo and Bermejo. 
The Argentine Govt. has, already, granted concessions to a Co. for the navi- 
gation of the Bermejo inconsistent with the freedom of that river; but the 
Co. have failed to comply with the conditions of the concessions, and, if the 
treaty was made to apply to the river, I presume that the Govt. would 
refrain from their renewal, or any act inconsistent with it. The Bermejo, 
in its immediate aspects, is more important to our commerce than any other 
tributary of La Plata, because points near to the cities and provinces of 
Tucuman, Jujuy, Salta, and Oran in the Argentine, and Tarija in Bolivia, 
can be reached by that route, and their commerce, now important, secured. 
In discussing the provisions of the treaty recently concluded with this Govt., 
I proposed a distinct reference to the Argentine treaty, making Bolivia a 
party to it ; but was answered, that, although Bolivia was willing and desirous 
to become a party, still she could not properly do so, until formally invited 
by one of the original contracting parties ; and that, on receiving such an invi- 
tation, she would give her distinct adhesion. The general principles of the 
Argentine treaty are also in the Bolivian, but there are matters of detail in 
application in both, which can only be secured by Bolivia becoming a party 
to the former especially, as I remarked above, the binding of the Argentine 
Govt. to apply the same free principles to the Paraguay and its tributaries. 

For these reasons, and also as an indication of consideration and respect 
for this Govt., I would suggest that an official copy of the Argentine treaty 
be forwarded to this Legation, and that it be instructed to request the 
Bolivian Govt. to become a party to the same. 

With despatch No, 55, of date Dec. 28^, 2 I transmitted an autograph 
letter from the Prest. of Bolivia to the Prest. of the United States, and have 
not as yet received his reply. Perhaps in the pressure and excitement 
attending the present session of Congress the subject has been overlooked. 
A reply to a similar letter, and recognition, has been received from England 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, voL 2. 

2 Dana's No. 55 was not copied ; it consisted chiefly of an account of the inauguration of 
the new government. No copy of the letter to the President of the United States was found 
in the manuscript volume. 



106 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

and France, and, as these people are very sensitive in relation to all matters 
of etiquette, I would suggest the propriety of an early response from Prest. 
Buchanan, if one is not now on the way. 

The British Govt. has expressed to this, its intention of resuming Diplo- 
matic relations, and has already appointed a Minister to Bolivia. 

With high respect, [etc.]. 



445 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lucas M. de la 
Tapia, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Bolivia x 

B LA PAZ, October j, 1858. 

SIR: The undersigned, Minister Resident of the United States, has the 
honor to advise His Excellency the Minister of Exterior Relations that after 
the informal conference which he held with His Excellency, some months 
since, in relation to the treaty between the United States and the Argentine 
Confederation which provides for the free navigation of certain tributaries of 
La Plata, he advised his Govt. of the willingness of that of Bolivia to become 
a party to said treaty, in accordance with one of its provisions: 2 and that, 
immediately on the reception of this information, his Govt. directed him to 
invite the Govt. of Bolivia to give its formal accession to said treaty, and 
transmitted to him full powers to act in the premises. 3 

These directions and full powers the undersigned has just received; and, 
while he regrets his absence from the present residence of the Govt., and his 
consequent inability to confer personally with His Excellency, he regards 
the matter as one so simple in its details that it can be concluded by corre- 
spondence only. 

He therefore transmits to His Excellency the Minister a copy of his full 
powers, requesting from him as early an attention to the subject as other 
duties will permit, for the reason that these full powers only apply to himself, 
and that he has been officially advised of the appointment of his successor, 
whose arrival here may be expected within two months. 

This proposed accession in the view of the undersigned, may be effected, 
either by a declaration of accession on the part of the Govt. of Bolivia, made 
by one duly authorised to execute it, or in the more formal manner of a treaty 
duly executed by the authorised agents of both Powers. The form which 
appears most proper to His Excellency will be readily adopted by the 
undersigned. 

He would further suggest, if His Excellency determines upon a treaty as 

* Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2, enclosed with Dana to the Secretary of State, No. 74 below 
this part, doc. 446. 

2 In Dana's Xo. 71, above, this part, doc. 444. 

* Cass to Dana, Xo. 18, of August 19, 1858, above, this volume, pt. i, doc. 393. 



DOCUMENT 446: OCTOBER 12, 1858 IO7 

the most proper form, that he prepare and transmit a draft to the under- 
signed for his examination; or, if his occupations are such as to render that 
inconvenient, the undersigned will prepare and transmit one for the examina- 
tion of His Excellency. The treaty, after having been agreed upon, could 
be executed, there on the one part, and here on the other. If, on the other 
hand, the form of a mere Declaration of accession is adopted, it will be only 
necessary to transmit the same, properly executed on the part of the Govt. 
of Bolivia, to the Prest. of the United States for publication. Whether the 
form be treaty or declaration, it should embody the treaty between the 
United States and the Argentine Confederation; and, if His Excellency finds 
it desirable for the undersigned to prepare the draft for a treaty, he will 
much oblige him by the transmission of the copy in his possession of the 
treaty referred to, as said treaty is not in the archives of this Legation. 

These suggestions are hastily made for the purpose of eliciting the views 
and opinions of His Excellency the Minister upon the subject. 

It may perhaps be proper to remark, that the treaty between the United 
States and the Argentine Confederation, in its present state, only applies 
to the rivers Parana and Uruguay; but that, in accordance with its provi- 
sions, the accession of Bolivia would make it applicable to the Paraguay, and, 
I think, its tributaries, and thus render impossible the adoption of any 
exclusive policy on the part of the Argentine Govt. in relation to those 
waters. 

The undersigned [etc.]. 

446 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State oj the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 74 LA PAZ, October 12, 1858. 

SIR: ... At the same time, in accordance with the instructions in No. 
i8., 2 I forwarded to the Minister another note inviting negotiations, by cor- 
respondence, for the adhesion of Bolivia to the treaty between the U. S. and 
the Argentine Confederation, transmitting a copy of my full powers, and 
requesting an early attention to the subject as the full powers only applied 
to myself, and I expected, in a short time, to be relieved by the arrival of my 
successor. A copy of this note is attached marked B. 3 By the return post, 
yesterday, I received no reply; but a friend in Oruro writes me that my 
communications are in his hands for translation, and will be answered by 
the next post. 

This negotiation by correspondence will, of course, be attended with some 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2. The omitted portion tells of the transfer of the government 
to Oruro. 

2 Above, this volume, pt. i, doc. 393. 3 Above, this part, doc. 445. 



IO8 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

delay, as the post between this, and Oruro is only weekly; but I hope to be 
able to conclude it before my departure. If still unfinished on the arrival 
of my successor, but in such a state that a few days will suffice for its com- 
pletion, I shall await its termination before presenting my letter of recall, 
if such a course meets the approval of my successor. 

The Xos. of these despatches (17 and 18) indicate that there are three 
despatches from the Department, Nos. 14. 15 & 16, which have not reached 
the Legation; as the last despatch received previous to 17 & 18 was No. 13. 
dated Oct. 5. 1857- The Department, aware of their nature, can judge of 
the necessity of furnishing the Legation with duplicates. 1 

With high respect [etc.]. 



447 

John If. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State, of the United States 2 

No. 76 LA PAZ, October 26, 1858. 

SIR: I have recently received a communication from a gentleman 3 who is 
at the side of the President, and his confidential friend, though not in office, 
asking me, in case it should become necessary, for the purpose of avoiding 
war with Peru, to propose the mediation of the United States, whether such 
mediation would be accepted. I have replied that I should consider any 
land offices tending to preserve peace and remove the present misunderstand- 
ings between the two Govts., as but a manifestation of the interest which the 
Govt. of the U. S. really feels for the prosperity 7 and advancement of the two 
countries; and I doubted not that my successor, on his arrival, would take the 
same view of the subject. But that I did not regard it as delicate or proper 
under the circumstances that a proposal for such mediation should originate 
in me. 

The correspondence in relation to the adhesion of Bolivia to the Argentine 
treaty is progressing, and I hope to bring it to a satisfactory termination 
before my departure, although some delay is caused by the fact that my 
suggestion, in No. 7i, 4 that the Legation be furnished with a copy of the 
Argentine treaty, was, unfortunately, overlooked by the Department. 

With high respect [etc.]. 

1 None of the despatches mentioned in this last paragraph, excepting No. 18, is pertinent 

to this publication. 

2 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2. 

* No copy of the communication referred to was found in the manuscript volume; its con- 
tents are indicated here. 
4 Above, this part, doc. -111- 



DOCUMENT 449: DECEMBER 27, 1858 IO9 

448 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States 1 

No. 78 LA PAZ, December 10, 1858. 

SIR: In my No. 76 2 I remarked that a friend of President Linares had, 
by letter, made the inquiry, whether I would consent to act in the premises, 
provided a mediation or arbitration between the Govts of Bolivia and Peru 
should be found necessary. One of the Ministers of State Sen or Fernandes 
[Fernandez?] has recently been named Minister to Peru; with full powers to 
settle the questions at issue; and on his journey through La Paz to Lima he 
had a conference with rne upon the subject. He hopes to be able, by direct 
negotiation, to remove all obstacles to friendly relations; but, still, regards it 
as possible that mediation may be found necessary, and my services desirable. 
I expressed to him my willingness to aid in the accomplishment of the object, 
if a short delay at Lima on my return to the United States would suffice. 
I did not think it well for our relations and interests here to decline; but the 
probability is slight that my services will be required. There may be a 
question of the propriety of rny acting in the matter as my official relations 
with this Govt. will, at the time, have ceased. If the Department should 
regard it as improper or objectionable I should be happy to be advised to 
that effect by a communication under cover to Mr. Clay our Minister at 
Lima. Such a communication would reach there before it will be possible 
for rne to do so. 

I have received from this Govt. the commission of Mr. Lewis Tod as Consul 
at Cobija with his execuatur duly executed thereon, and have forwarded it to 
him at that place. 

With high respect [etc.]. 

449 

John W. Dana, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States 3 

No. 80 LA PAZ, December 27, 1838. 

SIR: I have received, by the last post from Oruro, the Declaration of 
adhesion of Bolivia to the Argentine treaty. Not having time to prepare a 
translation I defer its transmission until the next steamer. 

My successor Genl. Smith has arrived and delivered to me Despatch No. 
19 4 and my letter of recall which accompanied it. The Govt. is still at 
Oruro, but there being uncertainty in relation, to its movements, Genl. Smith 
will remain here a short time to ascertain them more definitely, before taking 
steps for his presentation. 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2. 2 Above, this part, doc. 447. 

3 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2. 4 Not copied for this publication. 



HO PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

Feeling a deep interest in this country, and the importance of maintaining 
with it the most kindly relations, I am very happy to find in my successor 
a gentleman so well calculated from his habits, manners, and sentiments to 
command the esteem, respect, and good will of both Govt. and people. 
I have no doubt that, in his hands, the interests of our country will be 
advanced, and that, under his influence, Spanish American prejudices will 
be softened. 

With high respect [etc.]. 

450 

John Cotton Smith, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States l 

No. 10 LA PAZ, July ij, 1859. 

SIR: Notwithstanding rumours of difficulty between this country and 
the neighbouring Republic of Peru, every thing as yet remains in a state of 
peace and tranquility. Diplomatic relations have been suspended between 
the two countries, and an invasion of Peru may perhaps be attempted, but 
up to this time, there are no signs of such an event. 

It is not probable that a Congress will be called in Bolivia the present year. 

But while there is nothing in the condition of this Republic to need ex- 
tended remark, I cannot but bring to the notice of your Excellency the 
favourable effect produced upon the popular mind as respects the United 
States, by the successfull and glorious result of the expedition to Paraguay. 
It has raised the North American character very much in Bolivia, and if 
followed up as I hope it will be by prompt action in relation to the insults and 
outrages committed by other South American States upon the persons and 
property of our citizens, the happiest consequences are certain to follow. 
Heretofore England and France have entirely overshadowed the United 
States in relation to the influence exerted and the respect inspired upon the 
South American mind. A few more expeditions like that to Paraguay; a 
prompt demand for satisfaction whenever insults are offered or outrages com- 
mitted, will soon teach the people of this Southern Continent that the great 
Republic of the North cannot be spoken of with disdain, nor injured with 
impunity. 

With the highest respect [etc.]. 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2. 



DOCUMENT 452 : JUNE I, i860 III 

451 

John Cotton Smith, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass t 
Secretary of State of the United States * 

No. 8 2 LA PAZ, October 13, 1859. 

SIR: By the last Mail I have had the honour to recieve a despatch from 
the Dept of State dated July 27 th , 3 containing a communication for the 
Bolivian Minister for Foreign Affairs, and another with an accompanying 
letter for Lieut Page. 

The former I have in accordance with instructions, presented to Senor 
Don Tomas Frias now holding the office of Minister for foreign affairs for 
this Republic. He expressed himself greatly pleased to learn that Lieut 
Page was to continue the exploration of the South American rivers, and said 
that no efforts would be wanting on the part of the Bolivian government to 
aid and assist him in every possible and acceptable manner. In the interior 
of this Republic (the Departments of Chuquisaca and Cochabamba), much 
interest is felt in opening up the navigation of the rivers to the commerce of 
the United States. 

On the 28 th of the last month, the government of Bolivia arrived at La Paz 
from Chuquisaca. It will probably remain here several months, and until 
all the questions are regulated between Bolivia and Peru. At present, the 
state of feeling between the two Governments is by no means of a pleasant 
or satisfactory description. I arn sorry to be obliged to state, that the 
health of President Lenares appears to be somewhat feeble. For the sake 
of the country to whose best interests his continuance in office seems indis- 
pensable, I earnestly hope that he may speedily regain his usual strength; 
and long possess the power which he worthily wields for the honour and 
happiness of the Bolivian Republic. 

With sentiments of the highest Respect [etc.]. 



452 

John Cotton Smith, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States 4 

No. 7 LA PAZ, June 1, 1860. 

SIR: I have the honour to inform you that the differences between this 
Government and that of Peru seem at last to be approaching a serious crisis. 

1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2. 

- Smith appears to have numbered his despatches very irregularly. 

3 This despatch was not copied. No copies of the enclosures referred to appear in the 
volume of Instructions. 

4 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2. 



H2 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BOLIVIA 

Active hostilities indeed have not yet commenced, though the army of this 
Republic is placed upon a war footing, and every preparation is being made 
either to repel an invasion from Peru, or if necessary to make one upon the 
territory of that power. 

In the mean time as a preliminary measure of hostile intentions, a decree 
of interdiction or complete nonintercourse of a commercial and business 
character with Peru, has been declared by this government and will this 
day go into full and complete operation. The government of Bolivia has 
shown in every possible manner consistant with its honour and dignity, a 
disposition to cultivate and maintain friendly relations with that of the 
neighbouring Republic, but the peculiar character of the Chief Magistrate 
of Peru seems to render all such efforts unavailing, and every renewed 
attempt at propitiation is only met with fresh outrage and by repeated 
insult. 

What will be the result of the present state of feeling between the 
two Republics it is impossible clearly to discover, but that right and 
justice are on the side of Bolivia in this dispute is distinctly evident 
to every intelligent and impartial observer. 

With the highest respect [etc.]. 



453 

John Cotton Smith, United States Minister Resident in Bolivia, to Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State of the United States * 

LA PAZ, December 15, 1860. 

SIR: I have the honour to inform you that this Republic is at the present 
time in the enjoyment of perfect peace and tranquillity under the rule of its 
able and patriotic Chief Magistrate President Lenares 

In August last, Genl Belzu formerly President of Bolivia, organized in 
Peru an insurrectionary- movement against the present government. He 
advanced from Tacna to Puna a place upon the border of the great Lake of 
Titicaca, some sixty miles from the frontier of Bolivia. His friends made a 
plundering excursion over the border, and incited the Indians to murder two 
Bolivian officers by the promise of freeing them from the payment of their 
ancient and customary tribute if they would assist in changing the govern- 
ment, and in giving it to Belzu. 

This appeal to the savage passions and cupidity of an inferior race, had the 
effect to rally the respectable portion of the Bolivian people more closely 
around President Lenares who represents in his own person the white element 
of the population. Belzu finding that the feeling was so strong against 
him in Bolivia, and that no impression could be made against the goverrt- 
1 Despatches, Bolivia, vol. 2. This despatch bears no number. 



DOCUMENT 453: DECEMBER 15, i860 113 

ment, about the first of November, disbanded his party, and fled to the 
coast. 

This government is apprehensive of an invasion by President Castilla of 
Peru after the rainy season is over next May or June, but from the present 
reported condition of the Republic of Peru, I consider this apprehension to 
be destitute of the smallest foundation. 

With great Respect [etc.]. 



PART III 

COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 



COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

454 

Edward, Livingston, Secretary of State of the United States, to Ethan A. Brown, 
United States ChargS a" Affaires at Rio de Janeiro l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. n WASHINGTON", June 16, 1831. 

SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt at this Department of your several 
despatches, from N 9 I to 7, inclusively, . . . 

The President approves no less of your conduct in declining the invitation 
of the European diplomatic corps to visit the Ex-emperor for the ostensible 
purpose of ascertaining the authenticity of his abdication such a step, even 
if it concealed no ulterior views, must have been suspicious to the New 
Government, and could be productive of no good. Your prudence in refus- 
ing to sign the address of the foreign diplomatic Agents claiming protection 
for their countrymen is also duly appreciated. The application showed 
either an unwarrantable distrust, or an insulting affectation of it. 

i Instructions, American States, vol. 14. 

Ethan A. Brown, of Ohio, to whom this instruction was addressed, was commissioned 
charge d'affaires to Brazil on May 26, 1830. His first despatch from Rio de Janeiro, dated 
February 28, 1831, states that he did not reach his post until March 12. He left it on 
April 11, 1834. 

While this is the first instruction to him, containing matter which properly falls within 
the limits of the present publication when both date and subject-matter are considered, the 
following portion of an earlier instruction, transcribed from the same volume, is incorporated 
in this footnote, since, if it had been written a little more than two months later, it would 
properly have fallen within the scope of the collection; and, of course, it influenced his con- 
duct as much as if it had fallen within the chronological limits: 

Martin Van Buren, Secretary of State of the United States, to Ethan A. Brown, United 
States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 2 WASHINGTON, October 20, 1830. 

SIR: ... Of the remaining general duties of your mission, one will be to watch atten- 
tively the progress of the Brazilian Government and nation towards that state of 
complete political organization at which it is the wish of this Government to see all the 
South American States safely arrived, to keep this Department informed of every 
occurrence of general interest which may tend to illustrate the principles and spirit of 
the Imperial Government, and to communicate such observations as will arise in your 
mind as to the general condition of the country and its relations with other States. 
Like all other nations enjoying the advantages of representative and popular institu- 
tions, the Brazilian people must be divided into political parties. Although it may be 
useful for you to form a proper estimate of their views and of their influence in public 
affairs, yet you cannot be too careful to avoid every connexion with any of them, or to 
refrain from every indication in your acts and conversations, of any preference for 
particular ones over others. A perfect neutrality, in this regard, is indispensable to the 
preservation of the respect and confidence which should always be attached to the 
diplomatic character, and which cannot be forfeited without detriment to the interests 
confided to a public Agent. The utmost caution is, therefore, recommended to you in 
this respect, and, in transmitting to this Department the result of your observations 
upon all these points, you will use every precaution which prudence may suggest for the 
security of your despatches, and to guard against the disclosure of any remarks in which 
you may indulge, which could produce unfavorable impressions as to the feelings of the 
Government and people of the United States towards Brazil. 

I am, with great respect, [etc.]. 

117 



Il8 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

II. A new letter of introduction to the present Secretary of State for 
Foreign Affairs, under the New Government, has been prepared by direction 
of the President, and is herewith transmitted to you, with a copy of it for 
your perusal. Upon delivering that letter, which you will take an early 
opportunity of doing, you will express the very friendly sentiments which the 
President continues to entertain towards the Government and people of 
Brazil. 

The rule of conduct which you adopted with regard to the change referred 
to, in the Government to which you were accredited, is that which it will be 
proper for you to observe in reference to any other political changes which 
may happen at the same place, during your residence there; of keeping up an 
official intercourse, and transacting the business of your Legation with the 
new depositaries of the public power, provided they are well established. 
Of those changes, however, it will be well for you to keep this Government 
regularly informed. . . . 

I am [etc.]. 

455 

John Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States, to William Hunter, 
United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro 1 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 6 WASHINGTON, September 17, 1834. 

SIR: You have already received your Commission as Charge d' Affaires of 
the United States to Brazil and have taken the oath prescribed by the 
Constitution. . . . 

Your presentation to the Regents by the Minister of Foreign Affairs will 
afford you an opportunity which you will embrace to express in a suitable 
manner the gratification the President derives from renewing the intercourse 
between the two Governments through the channel of a diplomatic agent of 
the United States at Rio de Janeiro, and his confident hope that the few 
remaining subjects of discussion between them will speedily be adjusted to 
their mutual satisfaction that their relations of concord and good will may 
be still stronger cemented and still further improved. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

"William Hunter, of Rhode Island, was commissioned charge d'affaires to Brazil on June 
28, 1834. On September 13, 1841, he was commissioned envoy extraordinary and minister 
plenipotentiary, presenting his credentials as such, on January I, 1842. He took leave on 
December 9, 1843. 



DOCUMENT 457: DECEMBER II, 1834 119 

456 

John Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States, to William Hunter, 
United States Charge d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro l 

No. 8 WASHINGTON, November 15, 1834. 

Sir: Your communication numbered io. 2 announcing that you would sail 
from Norfolk in the ship Louisiana by the 20^ instant has been received. 
In accordance with your request, the trunk and box containing the books 
and papers specified in your Personal Instructions are herewith sent to you 
by Mr. William Hunter Jr of this Department. 

The enclosed copies of correspondence relate to recent efforts of this Gov- 
ernment to bring about an acknowledgement by Spain of the independence 
of her former Colonies in this hemisphere. 3 It is hoped that your position 
at the Capital of Brazil whose territory is bounded on all sides by some of 
those States, will enable you to further the President's object by imparting 
his benevolent wishes and doings to the representatives of those States who 
reside at Rio de Janeiro, and to their influential citizens who frequent that 
City. In discharging this duty, however, you will exercise your best judg- 
ment, and will endeavour to convey the impression that as our sympathy 
and interposition have been disinterested, we conceive we have a right to 
expect that in any arrangement which may be entered into with Spain for the 
object in question, no commercial or other privilege will be conceded to her 
to the disadvantage of the United States. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 



457 

John Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States, to Jose F. da P. Cavakanti 
de Albuquerque, Brazilian Charge & Affaires at Washington 4 

WASHINGTON, December u, 1834. 

Sir: I received on the 29th ultimo the letter which you did me the honor 
to address to me under date the 6^ of that month, 5 accompanied by a copy 
of the law relative to the amendments recently introduced into the Constitu- 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

2 Not included in this publication. 

8 No copies of the enclosures referred to were found with the file copy of the instruction. 
See below, the volumes and parts containing Communications^ to and from Spain, espe- 
cially, and also several of those of the Spanish- American countries, notably Colombia. 

* Notes from Brazil, vol. 6. 

Jose Francisco de Paula Cavalcanti de Albuquerque, to whom this note was addressed, 
presented his credentials as charge d'affaires of Brazil, on December 31, 1833. He took 
leave on July 23, 1838. Again, on May 29, 1856, he presented credentials. On August 26, 
1858, he gave notice of an intended temporary absence; but he appears not to have returned 
within the period to which the present publication is devoted. 

6 Not included in this publication. 



I2O PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

tion of Brazil, in whose welfare you are correct in supposing that the Govern- 
ment of the United States takes a lively interest. 

With you, I cherish the persuasion, that by the recent changes, assimilat- 
ing in some degree the Constitution of Brazil to that under which the United 
States have so greatly prospered, another motive is given for perpetuating 
the friendly relations that happily exist between our respective countries. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 



458 

John Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States, to William Hunter, 
United States ChargS d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro x 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 28 WASHINGTON, November 29, 1836. 

SIR: Your despatches to N? 45, inclusive, with the exception of N^ 36 and 
39, (of which you will transmit duplicates) have been received. 2 

The President learnt with some surprize and with great regret that a com- 
mercial treaty partial in its provisions had been concluded between Brazil 
and Portugal. Before he received intelligence of the signing of the treaty, he 
was not aware, as you appear to have been, that a negotiation for that 
object was on foot at Rio de Janeiro. 

It is undeniable that our own treaty with Brazil expressly recognises her 
right to enter into any commercial arrangement she may choose with Portu- 
gal. We are at liberty to expostulate with her, however, in regard to any 
such convention which may be deemed prejudicial to the commercial inter- 
ests of the United States. . . . 3 

It would be proper and perhaps not unavailing for you to advert to the 
fact that the United States first acknowledged the independence of Brazil. 
The political form of that government occasioned no hesitation in its recogni- 
tion by ours and the measure was adopted with an alacrity and with a dis- 
regard of consequent risks which gave us a right to expect that no privilege 
would be extended to any other nation in the Brazilian Empire in which we 
might not equally share. We have never sought and do not desire exclusive 
commercial advantages from any of the American States. The disinter- 
estedness of our policy in relation to them is notorious. It will not be denied 
that from our frank avowal of that policy and from our prompt and decisive 
steps in accordance with it, those states have derived material benefit. 
Asking nothing from their gratitude, we deem our claim to their justice to 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

2 None of the three despatches mentioned by number was found to be pertinent to this 
publication. 

3 The omitted portion discusses, in detail, the disadvantages, to Brazil and to the United 
States, to be expected from the treaty which the former had signed with Portugal. 



DOCUMENT 458: NOVEMBER 29, 1836 121 

be irresistible. This claim would certainly be disregarded if our commerce 
with those states should not be put upon a footing of entire equality with that 
of all other nations. A conviction of the strength of this claim probably 
led the Department to direct Mr Tudor to remonstrate against the introduc- 
tion of the exception in favor of Portugal into the treaty which he was author- 
ized to conclude, and to consent to it only in the event of its being made a 
sine qua non. The fruitless result of his zealous and able efforts for this 
purpose is imputable chiefly, as is believed, to the circumstance that the 
European powers who had preceded us in negotiating with Brazil, had agreed 
to the exception from motives of policy peculiar to themselves. Mr. Tudor 
was assured by the Brazilian negotiators that it would not be used to affect 
trade and that its object was to enable Brazil to encourage emigration. 
The treaty made with Portugal in consequence of the exception disproves the 
first assertion, and Mr. Tudor's reply that emigration would take place with- 
out holding out peculiar inducements to the Portuguese, was conclusive. 
But even if it were otherwise, the surplus population that Portugal could 
spare, would never make a material addition to the inhabitants of a country 
so vast as Brazil, and certainly not one, sufficient to compensate for the 
certain and probable consequences of the partial and indefensible exception. 

If it should be said that, having formally agreed to the exception, we ought 
not to characterize as unjust any measures Brazil may adopt, founded upon 
it, it may be answered that if one nation enters into a covenant with another 
materially injurious to a third for whom she professes friendship, without 
palpable advantage to herself or one which she could not gain in any other 
way, the injured party would have just cause to complain. Such an act 
differing little from actual injustice, would be indubitable evidence of 
unfriendliness. 

Intelligence recently communicated by Mr. Kavanagh from Lisbon, 
affords additional incentives to frustrate the ratification of the treaty. He 
states that its ratification by the Portuguese Government had been strongly 
opposed in the council of Ministers, which had postponed final action on the 
instrument until they should hear of its fate in the Brazilian Legislature. 
The British Representative in Lisbon had exerted himself to defeat the rati- 
fication, and had invited Mr. Kavanagh to remonstrate on the part of the 
United States, informing him that if adopted, he should consider it as 
putting an end to the negotiation of a treaty with Great Britain. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 



122 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

459 

Abel P. Upshur, Secretary of State of the United States, to George H. Proffit, 
United States Minister to Brazil 1 

No. 2 WASHINGTON, August r, 1843. 

SIR: The treaty between the United States and Brazil, concluded in 1828, 
expired, so far as it related to commerce and navigation, in December, 1841. 
Although that treaty was decidedly favorable to the United States, yet it is 
not known that Brazil has availed herself of the fact that it has expired, in 
order to place herself upon more advantageous ground in regard to us. On 
the contrary, it is believed that the same friendly spirit in which the treaty 
was formed has continued to be felt and that the same rate of duties which 
the treaty established still prevails, without any material change or modifi- 
cation. The United States therefore have not suffered by the expiration of 
the treaty. But as it is altogether uncertain how long Brazil will be able or 
willing to continue the present state of things, it is highly desirable that 
our commercial relations with that country should be placed on a more 
certain and secure footing. 

It is not probable, I think, that Brazil will be willing to negotiate upon this 
subject at this time. By her treaty with England, concluded in 1827, she 
conceded great advantages and subjected herself to very injurious restric- 
tions. This treaty was made a precedent for others, and particularly for 
that with the United States; and thus Brazil found herself in a position in 
regard to the principal nations of the world, altogether disadvantageous to 
herself; but one which, nevertheless, she could not change, without a breach 
of faith. It is understood that she does not consider that she can treat upon 
terms of equality until this treaty with England shall have expired, and this 
will not be until August, 1844. Even therefore if she should refuse to treat 
with us, under the existing state of things, we cannot regard it as a proof of 
unfriendliness, particularly as she has shown a willingness to extend to us all 
the benefits of our late treaty, without any express agreement to that effect. 

Although it is highly desirable that our relations with that country should 
be placed on a more certain basis than that on which they now stand, yet it 
is perhaps doubtful whether or not the first movement should come from us. 
There is every reason to suppose that the feeling of the people of Brazil is 
more kind towards the United States than towards England or France. 
It is true that her trade with England is greater in amount than her trade 
with us, but it is also true that it is less advantageous to her. The balance 
of trade with England is always largely against her, and the demands of Eng- 
land are considered by her as altogether too exacting. Hence she will 

i Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

^ George H. Proffit, of Indiana, to whom this instruction was addressed, had been commis- 
sioned envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, on June 7, 1843. He took leave 
on August 10, 1844, kis appointment not having been confirmed by the Senate. 



DOCUMENT 459: AUGUST I, 1843 123 

naturally be desirous to extend as far as possible and at the same time con- 
solidate her commercial relations with us, from whom she will naturally 
expect a more liberal treatment. But she will not, as I have before re- 
marked, attempt to do this until she shall be disembarrassed of her present 
treaty with England. In the meantime, you will endeavour as far as 
possible, to learn her views, so that you may be prepared to act, whenever 
the proper time for action shall arrive. 

In all your negotiations and conversations upon this subject, you will 
bear in mind that the United States always act upon the principle of the 
perfect equality of nations. We acknowledge no superior claims of any one 
country over those of others, except such as rest on fair equivalents. We 
are willing to treat with Brazil on terms of perfect reciprocity in all respects, 
and we should therefore justly regard as unfriendly to us, any discrimination 
in favor of any other country. There is no reason why we should not be 
placed upon the footing of the most favored nation, in every respect. 

The commerce of this country with Brazil is of very great and rapidly 
increasing importance. The resources of that immense country are not yet 
half developed and it is impossible to calculate the extent to which she will 
ultimately be able to supply the wants of the rest of the world. Nothing is 
necessary but judicious systems at home and proper foreign connexions to 
insure to her the highest degree of prosperity. She is now no longer a de- 
pendence of Portugal, but a separate and independent power. Her form of 
government is in some degree popular and all her institutions are beginning 
to be placed on a more liberal basis. The usual and necessary consequences 
are beginning to be felt. Brazil feels her importance in the family of nations 
and her people see that they may reasonably expect to receive, for their own 
use, the proper rewards of their enterprise and industry. Hence an in- 
creased necessity and consequently an increased desire, on their part, to 
establish proper commercial relations with other countries. There is no 
country with which these relations can be more advantageously established 
than with the United States. There is no reason why the friendship between 
the two countries should not be perpetual. Neither of them has the least 
interest to encroach upon the rights or to injure the prosperity of the other. 
In the present state of feeling between them it is an easy thing to cement 
their friendship. In this view, you will endeavour so to regulate your con- 
duct as to conciliate the esteem, not only of the Emperor, but of the people. 
Be particularly cautious not to involve yourself in their local politics, and 
forbear to express publickly any unfavorable opinion of their measures or 
their men. It is certainly desirable that this government should be cor- 
rectly informed in regard to their local politics and the characters of the 
principal actors in them ; but the utmost prudence and caution are necessary 
in making even these communications. I am sure that I need not say any- 
thing more in order to impress upon you the necessity of a prudent and con- 



124 PART m: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

ciliatory course, in all things. Your own good sense and discretion will be 
made your guides. 

The necessity for pursuing the course here indicated, will be apparent to 
you when you reach Brazil. England has recently had at that Court an 
x^mbassador with an outfit of 5000 and a salary of 12000. He is a man 
of great skill in diplomacy, of extensive information, and of the most liberal 
and magnificent' hospitalities. The object of all this splendid preparation is 
very clear. France has recently drawn closer the ties of friendship between 
herself and Brazil, by the marriage of the Prince de Joinville with the Princess 
Francisca. These countries are anxiously awaiting the time when the ex- 
piration of the treaty with England will leave Brazil at liberty to form new 
relations. Other countries have their representatives there equally eager 
and equally watchful. Her commerce is eagerly sought by all these coun- 
tries and all are diligently engaged in preparing the way for ultimate success. 
We must approach the subject without the advantages which most of them 
possess. But we have a countervailing advantage in the greater liberality 
of our policy; in the fact that we have no colonies and therefore no incidental 
interests to consult; and in the confidence which Brazil may justly feel, that 
we have no ambitious aspirations, and no objects beyond the ostensible 
objects of trade and friendship. The course of our policy has been, very 
liberal towards Brazil. We have not imposed an onerous duty on any of her 
productions, and on coffee, one of the most important of her articles of 
export, we have no duty at all. The condition of our country and our 
systems of domestic policy, enable us to offer better terms than any other 
nation can offer, and with a certainty that our commercial arrangement will 
be more enduring and less liable to fluctuations from the conflicts of our 
domestic interests. 

You will find that the British Ambassador of whom I have spoken has left 
Brazil, having failed of success in the object of his mission. This is certainly 
an encouraging circumstance, in as much as it indicates that England does 
not possess at that Court the overpowering influence which past events have 
warranted us in attributing to her. But we are not to suppose that she has 
either abandoned her hopes or relaxed her exertions. It is quite natural 
that she should seek all possible advantages in trade, for her own people. 
Of this we have no right to complain; but we have a right to counteract her 
if we can, by fair and honorable diplomacy, so as to insure to our own country 
as favorable terms as shall be granted to her. If she shall become convinced 
that no exclusive benefits will be conceded to her, all other nations engaged 
in Brazilian trade may profit by her negotiations. We are perfectly willing 
that she shall have the most advantageous terms which it is possible for 
Brazil to grant to all other countries. We shall insist on being placed on the 
footing of the most favored nation, and this, France, Belgium, Holland and 
Sardinia are equally ready to claim for themselves. The more favorable the 



DOCUMENT 459: AUGUST I, 1843 125 

treaty with England, therefore, the better for us, provided the terms be not 
such as Brazil cannot safely extend to other countries. There is no reason 
to believe that England is carrying on her negotiations in a spirit unfriendly 
to us. She naturally seeks every commercial advantage which she may by 
any possibility obtain, and in this other countries can find no just cause of 
complaint. But they have an equal right to guard their own interests; and 
if, in doing this, they should find it necessary to oppose the granting of any 
exclusive or peculiar advantage to her, she has no right to charge them with 
unfriendliness, or improper intermeddling. 

The negotiation with England is transferred to London. There is little 
doubt that the mission of Mf Ellis will be made the subject of discussion in 
Parliament, and in order that you may be well informed in regard to it, I 
have requested Mf Everett to transmit to you the London papers containing 
the debates. 

You have, along with these instructions, full power to negotiate a treaty of 
commerce and navigation. But it is greatly desired that the negotiation 
should be transferred to Washington; and this you will endeavor to effect, 
if possible. 

That England is endeavoring to abolish the institution of domestic slavery 
throughout the American continent, no longer admits of doubt. It is diffi- 
cult to imagine what motive she can have for this, except to destroy the com- 
petition of slave labour with that of certain of her colonies in the articles of 
sugar, cotton and rice. So great a measure of policy on the part of so great a 
nation can scarcely be attributed to a mere movement of humanity or phi- 
lanthropy. But whatever the motive may be, the effort cannot be witnessed 
by this government without very great concern. That institution exists 
in twelve States of our Union and is so interwoven with all their municipal 
systems, that it cannot be disturbed without serious danger of civil commo- 
tion. Whatever affects it in a neighbouring country, necessarily affects it 
incidentially among us. The very fact that the greatest maritime people 
in the world have interposed to destroy it, in one part of our continent, will 
serve to encourage the hopes and stimulate the exertions of those who are 
endeavoring to effect the same object in the United States. How far we 
should have the right or feel the inclination to resist such an attempt in 
Brazil, I do not undertake to say. But as the subject, in all its aspects, is 
one of deep interest to nearly half the States of our Union, it is of great 
importance that this government should be accurately and promptly in- 
formed of any movement in regard to it which may be made in other coun- 
tries. I invite your attention to this interesting matter and desire that you 
would communicate to this Department whatever information it may con- 
cern any portion of our country that this government should receive. 

By the 9th article of our late treaty with England, it is stipulated that the 
parties "will unite in all becoming representations and remonstrances with 



126 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

any and all powers within whose dominions such markets (viz. for the sale of 
slaves) are allowed to exist; and that they will urge upon all such powers the 
propriety and duty of closing such markets effectually at once and forever." 
No particular mode of making these representations and remonstrances is 
pointed out, nor is it altogether clear that they should be made jointly and 
not severally. It is also, matter of great delicacy in itself, for a government 
that did not feel that it was fairly liable to the suspicion of allowing the sale 
of slaves, would be justly offended at such a gratuitous remonstrance on the 
part of other governments. While therefore you will hold yourself ready 
to unite with the English Minister "in all becoming representations and 
remonstrances," which it may be necessary to make to the Brazilian govern- 
ment, you will be very cautious not to do so except upon proper grounds and 
in a becoming manner. 

Your attention is called to certain unadjusted claims of our citizens upon 
the government of Brazil, a full history of which you will find in the archives 
of the Legation. The last advices from your predecessor Mf Hunter, repre- 
sent those claims as in progress, with a fair prospect of a favorable result. 
The legislative forms of Brazil are represented to be somewhat dilatory, so 
that a considerable time will probably elapse before the final settlement of 
these claims can be effected. In the mean time, you will give your attention 
to them and press as speedy an adjustment of them as it may be decorous 
and proper to ask. 

In your communications with this Department, you will take up the his- 
tory of your Legation at the point at which your predecessor shall have left 
it, so as to leave no hiatus. And it is of the utmost importance that your 
communications should be as frequent as possible, and above all that they 
should be full, accurate and precise. 

I am, Sir, [etc.]. 

460 

John C. Calhoun, Secretary of State of the United States, to Henry A. Wise, 
United States Minister to Brazil 1 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 4 WASHINGTON, May 25, 1844. 

SIR: . . . The instructions of M? Upshur to M? ProfRt upon the occasion 
of the departure of the latter on his mission, are so full upon the political and 
commercial relations between the two countries, and are of such recent date, 
as to require but little to be added to them at this time. You are accordingly 
referred to them and will be guided by them. 2 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

2 For Ms No. 2, dated August i, 1843, see above, this part, doc. 459. The subsequent five, 
and, also, No. I were very brief and on unimportant routine matters, as were also the first 
three addressed to Wise. 



DOCUMENT 460: MAY 25, 1844 127 

The mission to which you are appointed is regarded as the most important 
of any in this hemisphere. Next to the United States, Brazil is the most 
wealthy, the greatest and most firmly established of all the American powers. 

Between her and us there is a strict identity of interests on almost all 
subjects, without conflict, or even competition, on scarcely one. Thus 
fortunately situated in reference to each other, there should ever be peace 
and the kindest feelings and relations between them. To preserve the 
existing peace and to cherish and strengthen their present kind feelings and 
relations, will be the first of your duties. 

You will find, accompanying this, a copy of the Treaty negotiated with 
Texas and the President's Message transmitting it to the Senate for its 
approval, with the accompanying documents. You will embrace some early 
and suitable occasion to explain to the Brazilian government 1 the motives 
which led to the adoption of the measure at this time. It is important it 
should be made to understand, that it originated in no feelings of disrespect 
or hostility to Mexico. For that purpose it will be necessary to explain fully 
the views and policy of Great Britain in reference to Texas, especially as they 
relate to the subject of abolishing slavery there, and to point out the danger 
to which they would expose us and the necessity it imposed on us to adopt the 
measure we have, as the only one which could effectually guard against it. 

You will avail yourself of the occasion to impress on the Brazilian govern- 
ment the conviction, that it is our policy to cultivate the most friendly rela- 
tions with all the countries on this continent, and with none more than with 
Brazil. You will assure it that it is our most anxious desire to see them all 
settled down in peace under well established governments and employed in 
developing their great resources and advancing in wealth, population, power 
and civilization, free from all interference from any quarter in the regulation 
and management of their domestic concerns. It is our established policy 
not to interfere with the internal relations of any other country, and not to 
permit any other to interfere with ours. Brazil has the deepest interest in 
establishing the same policy, especially in reference to the important relation 
between the European and African races as it exists with her and in the 
Southern portion of our Union. Under no other can the two races live to- 
gether in peace and prosperity in either country. The avowed policy of 
Great Britain is to destroy that relation in both countries and throughout 
the world. If it should be consummated, it would destroy the peace and 
prosperity of both and transfer the production of tobacco, rice, cotton, 
sugar and coffee from the United States and Brazil to her possessions 
beyond the Cape of Good Hope. To destroy it in either, would facilitate its 
destruction in the other. Hence our mutual interest in resisting her inter- 
ference with the relation in either country, and hence also the importance of 

1 For the very remarkable document addressed by Wise to the Brazilian Foreign Secretary, 
in compliance with this instruction, see below, pt. iv, doc. 561. 



128 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

each country firmly opposing any attempt on the part of Great Britain to 
disturb the existing relation between the two races within their respective 
limits, and of each discountenancing any such attempts in that of the other. 

You will endeavor to impress the importance of this on the Brazilian 
Government and avail yourself of the occasion to express the satisfaction 
felt by this Government at the firm resistance it made against the attempt 
of Great Britain in the late negotiation, to make the abolition of slavery 
in Brazil a condition on which her sugar should be admitted on an equality 
into the British market with that produced in the Colonies of Great Britain. 
You will see the importance, in this connexion, of keeping yourself well 
informed and the Department promptly advised of all movements on the part 
of those acting under the authority of Great Britain in Brazil, and on that 
of the agents or emissaries of her abolition society to interfere with or disturb 
the relations between the two races in Brazil, and the measures which may 
be adopted on the part of her Government to counteract and defeat such 
attempts. 

I am, Sir, [etc.]. 

461 

John C. Calhoun, Secretary of State of the United States, to Henry A. Wise, 
United States Minister to Brazil x 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 10 WASHINGTON, January 20, 1843. 

SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatches num- 
bered from I to 8, 2 inclusive. 

The subjects adverted to in your note to M* Franga of the 8th of November, 
last, 3 have an important bearing on the trade between the two countries, 
and I regret that the pressure of public business during the session of Con- 
gress, will not allow me sufficient leisure to examine them as fully as I could 
wish. The termination of the treaty with Great Britain presents a favorable 
occasion to secure advantages for our commerce which it has not heretofore 
enjoyed; and the system of reciprocal average duties which you suggest, 
seems to me as well calculated to promote the object as any other. But as 
the subject is one of importance and requires both study and deliberation, 
and as a new administration is so soon to succeed the present, it is deemed 
advisable to postpone for the present any special instructions in regard to it. 
This is considered the more proper inasmuch as no definitive arrangement 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

2 Below pt. iv, doc. 565, is the portion of his No. 8 which is pertinent to this publication; 
and, in doc. 564, that of his No. 7. His earlier despatches bear no serial numbers; but the 
pertinent portions of three of them are also included. See below, pt. iv, docs. 560, 562 and 
563- 

3 Not included in this publication. 



DOCUMENT 462 : APRIL 4, 1846 I2Q 

could be made before the 4th of March, next, when a new administration will 
come into power, unembarrassed by any preliminary steps on the part of the 
present. 

The same considerations make it proper to defer, for the present, any 
special instructions in reference to the existing difficulties between the gov- 
ernments of Buenos Ayres and Monte Video. It is clear that the rights of 
neutrals, the general interests of commerce, and the common feelings of 
humanity require that the unhappy contest should be terminated; and to 
effect it, the suggestions of Mr. Franga l would be taken immediately into 
consideration but for the reasons to which I have adverted. . . . 

I have the honor [etc.]. 



462 

Nicholas P. Trist, Acting Secretary of State, to Henry A . Wise, United States 

Minister to Brazil 2 

No. 22 WASHINGTON, April 4, 1846. 

SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch N? 
38, 3 transmitting the letter of M? Hopkins. 

Mf Hopkins unfortunately has so far exceeded the purposes of his mission 
as to render his immediate recall necessary, as you will perceive from the 
enclosed copy of the instruction which has been addressed to him, bearing 
date the 3Oth ult. 4 . The original is contained in the accompanying sealed 
package, which you will have the goodness to forward to its destination. 

Our position with reference to the armed intervention in the La Plata 
and to the countries more immediately affected by it, is one of peculiar deli- 
cacy and requires for the observance of our duties towards all the parties and 
a just regard to our own rights and interests, the exercise of the utmost 
prudence and circumspection. M? Harris, who will stop at Rio de Janeiro 
on his way to Buenos Ayres as the successor to M? Brent, is the bearer of 
this communication. He has been fully instructed upon the subject of our 
relations with the Argentine Republic and has been desired to show you his 
instructions. These will apprise you of the reasons which have actuated the 
President in determining to withhold for the present an acknowledgement of 
the independence of Paraguay. The note from M! Lisboa communicating 

1 Reported by Wise with extended comments in his No. 7, below, pt. rv, doc. 564. 

2 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

Nicholas P. Trist, of Virginia, who signed this instruction as Acting Secretary of State, 
was appointed chief clerk of the Department on August 28, 1845. While^still holding this 
position, he was appointed commissioner to Mexico on April 15, 1847. His services in this 
capacity terminated in February, 1848. Before his return to Washington, someone else 
had been appointed chief clerk. 

3 See below, pt. iv, doc. 587. 

4 See this document, under its date, below, the volume and part containing communica- 
tions to Paraguay. 



!30 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

the request of Brazil upon this subject 1 has not yet been formally answered. 
You may, however, avail yourself of a proper opportunity to assure the 
Brazilian Minister for Foreign Affairs, that the President has taken the appli- 
cation of his Government into respectful consideration, and that he has no 
disposition to keep the matter in suspense any longer than may be rendered 
necessary by the posture of affairs in that region. 

It will be in your power to impart to M* Harris while with you much in- 
formation which will be of high value to him in the discharge of the duties 
confided to him; and it will, I have no doubt, afford you mutual pleasure to 
interchange at all times the intelligence which you may become possessed of, 
and the views that you may severally be led to take of the successive scenes 
of the important drama on the theatre of which you will both be placed. 

I am, Sir [etc.]. 



463 

James Buchanan , Secretary of State of the United States, to Henry A. Wise, 
United States Minister to Brazil 

No. 24 WASHINGTON, May 14, 184.6. 

Sir: [Circular transmitting a copy of the President's Proclamation of the 
preceding day declaring that war existed between the United States and 
Mexico.] 2 



464 

James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States, to Caspar Jose de 
Lisboa, Brazilian Minister to the United States 3 

WASHINGTON, February 2, 2847. 

SIR: I have had the honor yesterday to receive your note of the 2ist 
ultimo, 4 in which, referring to the recent imprisonment of Lieu tenant Davis 
and the three sailors of the United States ship Saratoga by the City authori- 
ties of Rio de Janeiro on the 3 1st of October, last, you give me, in behalf of 

* For this note from Sr. Lisboa, Brazilian minister to the United States, see below, pt. IV, 
doc. 588. 

2 For the text of this circular instruction, which went also to the Legation in Argentina, 
and to other South American countries where legations were established, see vol. I, pt. I, 
under its date; and for the proclamation, see the same volume and part, note I, p. **. 

3 Notes to Brazil, vol. 6. 

Chevalier Caspar Jose de Lisboa, to whom this note was addressed, presented his 
credentials as minister resident of Brazil on May 29, 1841 ; and, as envoy extraordinary and 
nujustcr^pIcnipotCQtiary, on September 12, 1845. He took leave on July 22, 1847. 

4 JNot included in the present publication because it was not found in the archives of the 
Department of State. Its purport appears to be repeated, presumably pretty fully, in 
the first paragraph of this reply. For further reference regarding it, see below, this part, 
doc. 466 and the note of August 30, 1847, to the Brazilian charge d'affaires at Washington, 
below, this part, doc. 471. 6 



DOCUMENT 465: FEBRUARY 2, 1847 13! 

your Government, the solemn assurance that no "offence was or could have 
been intended by this act to the dignity of the flag of a nation with whom 
it is the earnest desire of Brazil to cultivate the most friendly relations"; 
that the Brazilian Government "has regretted extremely this disagreeable 
occurrence; and will adopt the means proper to prevent similar occurrences 
hereafter". 

Your note has been submitted to the President, who has instructed me to 
inform you, that he is entirely satisfied with this frank and honorable expla- 
nation ; and that the whole occurrence, so far as the United States are con- 
cerned, shall henceforward be buried in oblivion. 

I am further instructed to say, that the President most cordially recipro- 
cates the friendly feelings which you have expressed on the part of the Bra- 
zilian Government, and that it is his earnest desire, as it shall be his constant 
endeavor, to strengthen the bonds of friendship which now so happily unite 
the two nations. 

I cannot suffer the occasion to pass without expressing my own gratifica- 
tion at the manner in which you have treated this delicate affair, which, in 
less able and practised hands, might have impaired the cherished friendship, 
if it had not endangered the peace, between the two nations. 

I avail myself of this occasion [etc.]. 



465 

James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States, to Henry A. Wise, 
United States Minister to Brazil l 



No. 30 WASHINGTON, February 2, 

SIR : I transmit herewith copies of the notes which have passed between 
Mr. Lisboa and myself in relation to the imprisonment of Lieutenant Davis 
and the three sailors of the United States ship Saratoga by the Police Guard 
at Rio de Janeiro on the 3ist of October, last. 2 From these you will perceive 
that the serious controversy with the Brazilian Government arising out of 
this act has been amicably and honorably adjusted. It would be useless to 
detail the steps which led to this arrangement. You will perceive that 
although Mr. Lisboa's note is dated on the 2ist January, it was not delivered 
by him to me until yesterday. In the mean time we had several conferences 
which resulted in so changing its original form and character as to render 
its terms satisfactory to the President. 

M- Lisboa, who has conducted himself with much propriety throughout 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

2 For Buchanan's note to Sr. Lisboa here referred to, bearing this same date, February 2, 
1847, in the first paragraph of which is repeated the purport of Sr. Lisboa's to him, of Jan- 
uary 21, 1847, also referred to here, see above, this part, doc. 464. 



132 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

the whole affair, is anxious that his note should not be published at Rio, 
apprehending the strictures which it might occasion in the Legislative Cham- 
bers. I informed him that I would request you not to publish the note and 
to confine yourself to the declaration that the controversy had been settled 
after explanations from the Brazilian Government, through their Minister 
at Washington, which were entirely satisfactory to the Government of the 
United States. 

The affair, when it first transpired in this country, produced much sensa- 
tion in our commercial cities. The commercial community are always 
sensibly alive to every occurrence which may threaten injury to any branch 
of our foreign trade ; and that with Brazil is of great importance to the United 
States. 

The President has instructed me to say to you that he has been gratified 
to see that your course in respect to Lieutenant Davis and the imprisoned 
seamen has been marked by that energy and zeal which the diplomatic agents 
of the United States abroad are always expected to exhibit when their fellow 
citizens have been wronged or the flag of their country has been insulted. 
And further, that he relies with confidence, the " amende honorable" having 
been made by Brazil, that your conduct towards the Brazilian authorities 
will be guided by a desire to restore harmony and promote friendship 
between the two countries, whose mutual interests are so deeply identified 
with each other. 

Your despatches to N? 54, inclusive, have been received. 

I am, Sir, [etc.]. 



466 



James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States, to Henry A . Wise, 
United States Minister to Brazil 1 



No. 33 WASHINGTON, March 29, 

SIR: Your despatch N* 54 of the 9th December, last, 2 was received at this 
Department on the yth February. 

Your suggestion in that despatch that the Brazilian Government would 
probably instruct Mr. Lisboa to represent that you were obnoxious to that 
Government and thus gently hint your recall, has been more than realized 
and it has now become proper that I should communicate to you a statement 
of what has occurred between Mr. Lisboa and myself on that subject. 

At our first conference on the 20^ January, last, in relation to the im- 

prisonment of Lieutenant Davis and the American sailors, which was some- 

what animated on both sides, Mr. Lisboa made a formal request, under 

instructions, as he alleged, from his Government, that you should be recalled 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. * Below, pt. iv, doc. 606. 



DOCUMENT 466: MARCH 29, 1847 133 

by the President. He stated that the purpose of keeping up diplomatic 
intercourse between nations, was to preserve and strengthen their friendly 
relations with each other; and that whenever, from any cause, a particular 
minister did not or could not accomplish this object, it was the custom of 
nations to recall him on the request of the Power to which he had been 
accredited. He cited some cases in which Ministers had been recalled for 
this reason, although particularly agreeable to the Governments by which 
they had been appointed. 

I gave him a prompt and decided, though civil, answer to this request. 
Without contesting the general principle, I told him explicitly, that to recall 
you, under existing circumstances, was entirely out of the question. The 
President would not think of it for a moment. That your recall, at the 
present time, might and would be construed into an admission that the 
Brazilian authorities had acted correctly in imprisoning Lieutenant Davis 
and the American sailors, and a disapprobation of your efforts to obtain their 
release; and that the President would never, by his conduct, afford any 
ground for such an inference. 

Mr. Lisboa adhered, with considerable pertinacity, to this request, and 
after he had intimated that the Brazilian Government might, in case of 
refusal, order you to leave the country, I replied that they might assume this 
responsibility if they thought proper. You would certainly not be recalled. 
He stated at once that they never would do that. 

At our next interview, on the 2ist of January, Mr. Lisboa again recurred to 
the subject, but not with his former earnestness. He reminded me that I had 
informed him in conversation, some time before, that you had expressed a 
desire to return home next spring or summer, and asked if such was still your 
intention. I told him I was not aware that you had changed your purpose; 
but that the President would, I had no doubt, request you to remain at Rio 
until the existing difficulty between the two Governments should be finally 
adjusted. 

At three subsequent interviews which we held prior to the final adjustment 
of the controversy between the two Governments, Mr. Lisboa never alluded 
to the subject of your recall, and I had hoped that it would not be further 
pressed. For this reason, I did not refer to it in my despatch to you of the 
2nd of February. 1 

Late in the afternoon of that day, however, after my despatch to you had 
been concluded, Mr. Lisboa called at the Department and urged your recall. 
He read to me instructions which he had recently received from his Govern- 
ment, dated, as he observed, after the baptism of the Imperial Princess and 
the fte of the Emperor's birthday, requiring him to present the request to 
the President, through the Secretary of State. Of these instructions, dated 
i6 t . h November and 5th December, he subsequently furnished me copies. 

1 Above, this part, doc. 465. 



134 PART m : COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

He said that the affair of Lieutenant Davis and the three sailors had now 
been happily adjusted and the request for your recall had no connexion with 
that controversy. It arose from a perfect conviction, on the part of the 
Imperial Government, that the friendship and harmony which they desired, 
above all things, to cultivate with the Government of the United States, 
were every moment in danger whilst so excitable a gentleman as yourself 
should continue to be the minister. That in consequence of your own 
conduct and that of Commodore Rousseau, by your advice, on the occasion 
of the baptismal and birthday ftes, the Emperor had determined that you 
should never again be invited to Court; and he asked how a Minister could 
get along under such circumstances? He urged, that according to the estab- 
lished usage of nations, courtesy required that the President should not con- 
tinue you at Rio against the protestations of the Imperial Government. He 
said that they had no desire to wound your feelings in any manner. All 
they wished was that you should leave Rio ; and if I could assure him that you 
would return to the United States at the time you yourself had designated, 
before the unpleasant occurrence in regard to Lieutenant Davis and the 
sailors, he thought it possible they would be satisfied. That the Brazilian 
Government had now done their duty in asking your recall ; and if youshould 
hereafter involve the two countries in new and serious disputes, the respon- 
sibility would rest, not upon them, but on the Government of the United 
States. 

In reply, I stated that I had not anticipated such a formal and reiterated 
request for your recall, that I would submit the question to the President, and 
furnish him a specific answer. I observed that it was impossible to disguise 
the fact that this request arose out of the affair of the imprisonment of 
Lieutenant Davis and the sailors and was identified with this transaction. 
That the Brazilian Government, through his own agency, had but the day 
before made the amende honorable in regard to that affair; had expressed 
their regret at this disagreeable occurrence and had promised to adopt the 
necessary means to prevent similar occurrences hereafter. That I felt con- 
fident the President would not cast such a censure upon you as your recall 
would inply, for having performed your duty on that occasion. That the 
Brazilian Government had done you injustice in supposing that Commodore 
Rousseau had acted under your advice in refusing the accustomed honors on 
the baptismal and birthday fetes, and that he was guided solely by his own 
sense of what was due to the national honor. 

It was true, I stated, that you had requested permission to return home 
before this controversy had arisen, and as it had now been happily adjusted, 
the President might probably send a new minister to Brazil in the month of 
May, next, with the frigate destined to relieve Commodore Rousseau, and 
in that event, you would return with the latter to the United States. I 
stated, however, that I entertained no doubt, the President in nominating 



DOCUMENT 466: MARCH 29, 1847 135 

your successor to the Senate, should he be appointed before the adjournment 
of Congress, would explicitly state that you had been recalled at your own 
request. I could, however, give him no certain information as to when you 
would probably leave Brazil, but would answer his inquiry after consulting 
the President. 

On the 10^ February, Mr. Lisboa called again at the Department of State, 
when I read to him from a written paper the President's answer to his re- 
quest, as follows: "The request presented by you to the President in behalf 
of the Brazilian Government, that he would recall Mr. Wise, has been under 
his serious consideration, and he has instructed me to give you the following 
answer: 

After a mature consideration of all the circumstances arising from the 
imprisonment of Lieutenant Davis and the American sailors by the local 
authorities at Rio de Janeiro, he does not believe that he could recall Mr. Wise 
without by implication, at least, subjecting him to a censure which in the 
President's opinion he does not deserve, for his conduct on that occasion. 
The President has arrived at this determination notwithstanding his anxious 
desire to cultivate the most friendly relations with the Government of Brazil. 
He trusts that any unpleasant impressions produced by this affair may 
speedily pass away and be forgotten, and that during the remainder of Mr. 
Wise's residence at the Imperial Court, nothing may occur to interrupt the 
harmony which ought ever to subsist between the two nations. 

In answer to your inquiry when it is expected Mr. Wise will return from his 
mission, I am instructed to inform you, that some time ago and long before 
the imprisonment of Lieutenant Davis, that gentleman had asked to be 
recalled, and the President had determined to accede to his request. This 
affair having been happily adjusted between the two Governments, the 
President will not change his original determination. A vessel of war will, 
therefore, proceed from the United States to Rio during the next spring, 
(probably in April or May) and will carry out a new Minister to Brazil. 
Soon after his arrival, Mr. Wise will return to the United States in the 
Columbia with Commodore Rousseau, whose term of service will then 
have expired." 

Mr. Lisboa expressed much regret at this answer and said he would address 
me a formal note upon the subject so that he might have it in an authentic 
form to transmit to his Government. I told him that his note should be 
immediately answered in the language of the paper which I had just read to 
him; but suggested, that in my opinion, any further proceeding in this matter 
on his part, without producing any good effect, might tend to embarrass the 
relations between the two countries, which we desired might always be of 
the most friendly character. He said he would take the subject into con- 
sideration ; and the result is that he has never presented the note. 

On the 1 5th February and on more than one occasion subsequently, he has 



136 PART III: CO1B1UXICATIOXS TO BRAZIL 

urged me to authorize him to say to the Brazilian Minister for Foreign 
Affairs, simply that you would return to the United States, without adding 
either that the President would not recall you, or that you would be recalled 
on your own request. This I uniformly refused, stating that I could not 
vary the answer in any respect which I had read to him, under the instruction 
of the President. 

Accordingly, on the 2nd March, David Tod of Ohio was nominated to the 
Senate as Minister to Brazil "in place of Henry A. Wise, recalled at his own 
request" and the nomination was confirmed on the following day. 

Xeither the time of Mr. Tod's departure nor the vessel which will take him 
to Rio has yet been designated, though she may probably sail during the 
month of May. It is the President's request that you should continue at 
your post and perform the duties of the mission until his arrival and presenta- 
tion to the Emperor. Your letter of recall will be transmitted to you by 
MfTod. 

It is due to Mr. Lisboa to remark that in executing the instructions of his 
Government, he has uniformly conducted himself with great propriety and 
has throughout manifested a strong desire to preserve the most friendly 
relations between the two Governments. 

I am, Sir [etc.]. 

P.S. No despatch of a date subsequent to that of your N? 54 * has been 
received at this Department. 



467 

James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States, to David Tod, United 
States Minister to Brazil 2 

[EXTRACT] 
No. i WASHINGTON, June n, 1847. 

SIR: You have been made fully acquainted with the origin, progress and 
adjustment of the unhappy controversy between the Brazilian Government 
and Mr. Wise, arising out of the imprisonment of Lieutenant Davis and the 
three American sailors at Rio de Janeiro in October, last. The President 
until very recently had not entertained a doubt but that the settlement of 
this unpleasant affair between Mr. Lisboa and myself, upon terms honorable 
to both parties, would receive the approbation of the Brazilian Government. 
In this confident expectation, however, it would seem he has been disap- 
pointed. From the tone of the public Journals at Rio, as well as from 

1 Below, pt. iv, doc. 606. 

2 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

David Tod, of Ohio, was commissioned envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, 
on March 3, 1847. He was received on August 28, 1847, and appears to have served until 
August 9, 1851, on which date he took leave. 



DOCUMENT 467: JUNE II, 1847 137 

advices, though not of an official character, received at this Department, 
it is possible that the Brazilian Government may disavow the settlement 
as unauthorized, and may recall its Minister. It is right, therefore, that 
you should receive instructions to guide your conduct should this contin- 
gency have happened. 

The President will not depart from the ground which he has already 
occupied upon this question. He will consider it as definitively settled 
until the Brazilian Government shall again attempt to reopen the discussion. 
In that event, the attempt will doubtless be made at Washington, not at 
Rio de Janeiro ; and even upon a contrary supposition, it would now be im- 
possible to furnish you instructions upon the subject, as the Department 
has received no official information on which these could be based. Unless 
further instructed, therefore, you will not suffer yourself to be drawn into 
any discussion of this question. Still, you may do much to tranquillize the 
Brazilian authorities and to convince them of the propriety of consigning 
this whole affair to oblivion. In all your intercourse, you will treat them 
with the utmost respect and give them every assurance of the President's 
continued desire to cultivate their friendship. The commerce between the 
two countries is eminently beneficial, and any movement upon the part of 
either which might threaten its interruption, could not fail to prove highly 
prejudicial to both. With these precautionary observations, the subject is 
left to your own ability and discretion, from which the President augurs the 
happiest results. 

The recall of Mr. Lisboa would be unjust to him as well as disagreeable 
to the President. Throughout the whole affair, he has manifested the most 
anxious desire to serve his own country with honor and fidelity and at the 
same time prevent a serious misunderstanding between the two Govern- 
ments. This Government has neither sought nor obtained any advantage 
over him. I am perfectly persuaded that no candid and intelligent person 
who would carefully examine the testimony on both sides could fail to arrive 
at the conclusion that the controversy concerning the imprisonment of 
Lieutenant Davis and the three American sailors, has been settled upon fair 
and just terms for both parties. 

M- Lisboa has long represented his country in the United States and has 
by his uniformly correct conduct, acquired the regard, both of the public 
authorities and the people. He is held in general esteem by all who know 
him. Indeed, I am persuaded that no other Minister who could be sent 
from Brazil would be capable of rendering so much service to his country. 
His recall, under existing circumstances, would produce a sensation through- 
out the United States, and would inflame and aggravate a quarrel which 
has hitherto commanded very little of public attention. 

Whilst any active interference on your part in favor of Mr. Lisboa might 
be misconstrued and do him more injury than benefit, still, in conversation 



138 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

with the Brazilian Minister for Foreign Affairs, should a favorable oppor- 
tunity offer, you might do justice to the fidelity, ability and success with 
which he has served his country. 

The full power with which you have been furnished will enable you to con- 
clude and sign a commercial Treaty with Brazil should the Government of 
that country manifest a disposition to conclude such a Treaty upon fair and 
equal terms. . . - 1 

I am, Sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 



468 

James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States, to Henry A . Wise, 
United States Minister to Brazil 2 

No. 34 WASHINGTON, June 12, 1847. 

SIR: Enclosed, I transmit by Mr. Tod a sealed letter from the President 
of the United States to the Emperor of Brazil, announcing the termination 
of your mission. An open copy of the letter also accompanies this. From 
the relations subsisting between yourself and the Brazilian Government, it 
may be doubtful whether the Emperor will grant you an audience for the 
purpose of presenting the original. It is very desirable that he should do 
so and that past differences may be forgotten. This would produce a happy 
effect in both countries. If you should ascertain, however, that such an 
audience would be refused, it might be better that it should not be asked. 

The Ohio, which will carry out Mr. Tod to Rio, will remain in that port 
until the arrival of the Brandywine, the vessel destined to relieve Commodore 
Rousseau. This arrangement has been made for your accommodation and 
so as to enable the Commodore and yourself to return immediately in the 
Columbia to the United States. From your late despatches it is manifest 
that you desire to leave Brazil with as little delay as possible. The Brandy- 
wine may not reach Rio until a month or more after the arrival of the Ohio. 

Your despatches to N ? 59, 3 inclusive, with the exception of N 9 56,* have 
been received. 

I am, Sir, very respectfully [etc.]. 

i The omitted portions of this instruction describe, in detail, just what parts of the treaty 
of 1828 were, and what were not, still in force; full powers were also said to be enclosed for 
concluding a claims convention; then too, he was referred to the instructions to his prede- 
cessor, regarding the slave trade. 

z Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 3 Below, pt. rv, doc. 61 1. 

* Below, pt. rv, doc. 608. 



DOCUMENT 470: JULY 22, 1847 139 

469 

James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States, to David Tod, United 

States Minister to Brazil l 

No. 3 WASHINGTON', July 24, 1847. 

SIR: I transmit a sealed letter from the President 2 in answer to one from 
the Emperor of Brazil, 3 announcing Mr. Lisboa's recall. An open copy of 
the letter is also enclosed which you will communicate to the Minister for 
Foreign Affairs with a note requesting the appointment of a time for you 
to deliver the original to the Emperor in person. 

I am, Sir [etc.]. 

The President's letter to the Emperor follows : 



470 

James K. Polk, President of the United States, to Dom Pedro II, Emperor of 

Brazil 

Great and Good Friend! 

The Chevalier Caspar Jose Lisboa has this day delivered the letter which, 
under date the twenty sixth of April, last, Your Majesty has been pleased 
to address to me, announcing the termination of his mission as Envoy 
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Your Majesty to this 
Government, and has taken leave of me in that character. 

I cannot permit this occasion to pass, without assuring Your Majesty, 
that Mr. Lisboa's conduct, during his residence in the United States, has 
gained and secured for him general respect and good will. In his official 
intercourse with this Government, whilst he has been able, loyal and zealous 
in maintaining the interests of his own country, he has performed his high 
duties in a manner so acceptable as to secure for him rny warmest regard. 
On his return to Brazil, he will, I am persuaded, assure Your Majesty of my 
friendly sentiments for you personally, and of the desire of the Government 
and people of the United States to preserve, strengthen and perpetuate 
concord and good understanding between the two nations. 

And so I recommend you to the protection of the Almighty. Written 
at Washington, the twenty second day of July, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand eight hundred and forty seven, and of the Independence of the 
United States, the seventy second. 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

2 Below, this part, following immediately after this covering instruction. 

3 Below, pt. iv, doc. 615. 



I4O PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

471 

James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States, to Felippe Jose P. 
Leal, Brazilian Charge <T Affaires ad interim at Washington 1 

WASHINGTON, August 30, 1847. 

SIR: I have received a copy of the instructions from His Excellency Mr. 
Souza e Oliveira, the Brazilian Minister for Foreign Affairs, to yourself , 
dated on the 3ist May, last, 2 which you were kind enough to deliver to Mr. 
Derrick, then Acting Secretary of State, on the 5th instant, during my 
absence from this City. Since my return, I have examined these instruc- 
tions with all the care and attention to which they were entitled, considering 
the importance of the subject and the high source from which they have 
emanated, and shall now proceed to communicate to you the result of my 
deliberations. 

The instructions direct you to insist 

i. Upon " ample reparation" from the Government of the United 
States for the acts committed by Lieutenant Davis at Rio de Janeiro on 
the 3 1st October, last. 

And 2nd. These instructions direct you to require from this Govern- 
ment "a categorical declaration that it had disapproved the conduct of its 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at this [the Brazilian] 
Court, M r Henry A. Wise; and that it ordered his recall, as a mark of 
reparation due to Brazil." 

3. You are also instructed to inform me "Should Mr. Tod have de- 
parted from the United States before you have received these instructions 
[which has proved to be the case] the Imperial Government is resolved not 
to receive him in his official character until he has agreed to give the satis- 
faction in the sense and terms in which you are charged to exact it." 

The Minister for Foreign Affairs in his instructions has gone into an 
elaborate exposition of the facts upon which these demands upon the Gov- 
ernment of the United States are founded. If it should appear that in this 
exposition he has mistaken the true state of these facts, then it is confidently 
expected that the Brazilian Government will rest satisfied with the honorable 
adjustment of the controversy respecting Lieutenant Davis which was made 
by their Minister Mr. Lisboa and myself, and will suffer the whole affair to 
pass into oblivion. 

In order to confine the discussion to the true points of difference between 
the parties, it is necessary to undeceive the Imperial Government in regard 
to two essential misapprehensions. 

I. The declaration made by Mr. Lisboa in his note dated on the 2ist 

1 Notes to Brazil, vol. 6. 

Felippe Jose Pereira Leal, secretary of legation, acted as charge d'affaires ad interim, 
from July 22, 1847, to March 9, 1849. 

2 Below, pt. rv, doc. 617, note 2. 



DOCUMENT 471 : AUGUST 30, 1847 141 

January, last, 1 was not equivalent, as His Excellency supposes, " to a renun- 
ciation of the right of the authorities of Brazil" to try and punish "crimes 
and infractions of their police regulations" committed within its territory 
by the sailors, citizens or subjects of any nation. That note contains no 
expression from which such an inference can be drawn. The Government 
of the United States never has denied or disputed this sovereign right of 
Brazil. On the contrary, its existence was cheerfully acknowledged by me 
in the conferences with Mr. Lisboa which preceded his note. 

It is true that Mr. Wise, in his correspondence with Baron Cayrti did not 
at first admit, in its just extent, this established principle of public law; but 
in his last note to that gentleman of the loth November, 2 he has recognized 
it in the clearest and most explicit manner. In it he declares "that in re- 
spect to the man who drew his knife on his fellow sailor whilst on shore, he 
[Mr. Wise] admits to the fullest extent the jurisdiction of Brazil." 

The question is therefore at once relieved from the misapprehension 
which pervades a great part of the instructions to you that this Government 
has denied to that of Brazil the sovereign jurisdiction over all persons of 
whatever nation within its territory. 

2. The Minister for Foreign Affairs has also mistaken the nature of the 
settlement between Mr. Lisboa and myself in another particular. This is 
confined, in express terms, to the case of Lieutenant Davis and the three 
American sailors. Neither in substance nor in form does it go beyond the 
unfortunate occurrences of the 3ist of October, i846. It does not embrace 
the conduct of Mr. Wise and Commodore Rousseau on the I5th November 
and 2nd of December, as the Minister for Foreign Affairs supposes. Had 
Mr. Wise in his note to Baron Cayru of the 2 1st April, last, 3 gone beyond the 
affair of Lieutenant Davis and the three sailors, he would have exceeded his 
instructions. I am happy to find, therefore, upon a careful examination of 
this note, that it is confined to that subject alone. It does not refer, either 
directly or indirectly to any other matter. I have, therefore, been greatly 
surprised to find it stated in the instructions that "The Imperial Govern- 
ment cannot but see in that note a repetition of offences, since it is affirmed 
therein that the acts committed by the authorities of the United States on 
the I5th November and 2nd December, had for their object to express their 
feelings on account of what they regarded as an insult and offence to them", 
&c. &c. &c. No such affirmation is contained in the note of Mr. Wise. 

Having thus disembarrassed the case of two fruitful sources of error, 
I shall proceed to make a brief statement of the facts as they occurred on the 
3 1st of October, last, in regard to Lieutenant Davis and the sailors. This is 
derived from a careful examination of the depositions of the seven witnesses 
taken before Gorham Parks, Esquire, Consul of the United States at Rio de 

1 Not included in the present publication. See doc. 464, note 4, above, this part. ^ 

2 Not included in the present publication. 3 Not included in the present publication. 



142 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

Janeiro. These witnesses are the Reverend Thomas R. Lambert, Chaplain 
of the United States Frigate Columbia; W. E. Stark, a Lieutenant of Marine, 
attached to the Columbia; Alonzo B. Davis, a Lieutenant of the Navy, then 
attached to the Saratoga; Samuel Macoduck of the City of New York, 
Master of the Barque Harmony; William M c Lennan of the City of Balti- 
more, master of the Brig Chipola; Benjamin Wathington [sic], of New York, 
master of the ship Yazoo; and John Holliday, of London, master of the 
Barque Gardyne of Liverpool. 

From these it appears that in the afternoon of Saturday, the 3 1st October, 
last, Lieutenant Davis went on shore in pursuit of two deserters. After 
apprehending and securing one of them in his boat, and whilst seated in the 
store of Brewer & Co, William Davenport, a seaman attached to another 
boat, came and complained to Lieutenant Davis that Michael Driscoll, a 
seaman belonging to the boat under his immediate command, had drawn a 
knife upon him (Davenport). The Lieutenant immediately went to Dris- 
coll, who delivered up the knife to him, and took him as far as the back door 
of Brewer's store, leading through to the wharf where the boat was lying. 
Driscoll was unquestionably drunk and was accompanied by two other 
sailors. There was no police guard in sight when Lieutenant Davis seized 
Driscoll, but they came up just as he reached the back door of the store. 
Lieutenant Davis was bringing him into the door to take him through the 
store to the boat, when they interfered and took hold of Driscoll. Lieuten- 
ant Davis, supposing that the police had come to his assistance, still retained 
his hold of Driscoll, whilst he, the Chaplain Lambert and Lieutenant Stark, 
endeavored to explain to the guard that Lieutenant Davis was the officer 
of the drunken sailor, that he was taking him to the boat and that he required 
no assistance from the Police for this purpose. Notwithstanding this expla- 
nation, the Guard still held on to Driscoll and then Lieutenant Davis sur- 
rendered him. Meanwhile, both before and after his surrender, the soldiers 
of the guard kept beating Driscoll and the two other sailors with their 
swords until they were covered with blood; and even Lieutenant Davis' 
clothes were smeared with the blood of Driscoll. 

The three sailors were thus in the custody of the Police Guard, which 
marched off with them, followed by an escort of fusileers. After Lieutenant 
Davis had surrendered the sailors, he immediately returned to the store of 
Brewer & Co, in quest of one Antonio, a clerk of Brewer & Co, to interpret 
for him to the superior officer of police, from whom he expected to obtain a 
release of the sailors. He at the same time put on a midshipman's sword 
which he found lying on the counter, this being necessary to complete his 
uniform as an officer. Whilst thus engaged, the prisoners with their escort 
had got a considerable distance from Brewer's store, and it became necessary 
for him to run in order to overtake them. When he came up with them, at 
the corner of the street passing by the Palace, a file of soldiers constituting 



DOCUMENT 471 : AUGUST 30, 1847 143 

the rear of the escort, faced around and presented their bayonets within a 
short distance of his breast. He then drew his sword and placed it on guard 
in self defence. The soldiers immediately turned around and followed the 
Police Guard and their prisoners, and he sheathed his sword and followed 
after. Again at the palace steps, the soldiers met Lieutenant Davis with 
fixed bayonets and drawn swords, which were put to his breast. He placed 
his hand upon his sword, and through Mr. Macoduck, who understood 
Spanish, asked for an interpreter. One appeared, and after a brief parley, 
Lieutenant Davis expressed a wish to see an officer belonging to the Palace. 
An officer (Mariano Joze da Cunha Pinheiro) appeared and invited him in. 
Lieutenant Davis went in with his sword in sheath. In the meantime 
Lieutenant Stark had overtaken the escort and was pushed in after Lieu- 
tenant Davis by the soldiers. When Lieutenant Davis entered, he had no 
opportunity of speaking a word in favor of the sailors, but was immediately 
seized, forcibly disarmed and imprisoned. 

Such was the excitement against Lieutenant Davis, that Mr. Washington, 
one of the witnesses, was informed by an English gentleman present who 
understood the Portuguese language, " that he heard one of the Police Guard 
say that his officer had ordered him to run the American officer through with 
his bayonet; but that he was not going to do it, for if he did, he knew they 
would have hung him". 

Whilst these transactions were proceeding within the palace, the gunner 
of the Saratoga was without. He was a peaceable spectator, engaged in 
eating something at the time. A number of soldiers came running up behind 
him and beat him so cruelly, in trying to push him into the palace, as to pro- 
duce the exclamation from an English gentleman standing by: "what do 
they do that for; the poor fellow was doing nothing; what a damned shame 
it is to treat him in that way." 

The Purser's steward of the Saratoga was, also, on the ground in front of 
the palace, where one or more soldiers beat him with the butts of their 
musquets. 

An old man, a warrant officer in the Navy of the United States, whilst 
walking towards the palace in a peaceable manner, was met by a young man 
in a green uniform, who struck him several blows with a cane across the face 
and head without the slightest provocation, not a single word being spoke 
[sic] by either party. 

Lieutenant Davis was detained in prison until Monday afternoon, the 
2nd November, when he was discharged by order of the Brazilian Govern- 
ment on the demand of Mr. Wise and at the request of Commodore Rousseau, 
who was anxious that he should proceed to the United States in the Saratoga, 
which was upon the point of sailing. It is due to the Brazilian authorities to 
acknowledge that Lieutenant Davis was kindly and courteously treated 
whilst in prison. 



144 PART m : COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

Two of the sailors were discharged on Thursday, the 5th of November, 
having been acquitted of all improper conduct, and Driscoll, who drew the 
knife, was detained for trial. 

I have thus made from the testimony what appears to me to be a correct 
exposition of the facts. The scene was one of much confusion and excite- 
ment,- a great crowd had collected; facts related by some of the witnesses 
are not stated by others; and yet after all, the depositions essentially sustain 
each other. 

His Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs endeavors to prove from 
the testimony of some of the witnesses, that Driscoll had been first seized by 
the Police guard and that Lieutenant Davis had attempted to rescue him out 
of their hands. He doubtless felt how ungracious it would have been for the 
Police to exercise the admitted right of taking a drunken sailor from the 
custody of his officer whilst in the act of taking him on ship board for punish- 
ment. In the ports of all countries where foreign men of war resort, when 
sailors go ashore, become intoxicated and violate police regulations by quar- 
relling with brother sailors, especially where they have insulted or injured 
none of the citizens of the country, their officers are always permitted to 
seize them and take them on board without obstruction unless they have 
been first apprehended by the police. This is the custom, founded on cour- 
tesy, among all nations. Their officers are the best police and severe disci- 
pline of a man of war the most efficacious punishment. 

Now who seized Driscoll first, Lieutenant Davis or the Police guard? 
That the first seizure was made by Lieutenant Davis, no police guard being 
in sight at the time, is positively sworn by the Chaplain Lambert, Lieutenant 
Stark and Lieutenant Davis. The attention of the other four witnesses, 
Macoduck, M c Lennan, Wathington and Holliday was not drawn to the 
scene until the Police guard had come up to the back door of Brewer's store, 
to which place Lieutenant Davis had brought Driscoll. Indeed, the three 
first named of these last witnesses, from their position within the store could 
not possibly have seen what had occurred before Driscoll was brought to the 
back door; and when Holliday, the fourth witness, came down from the bal- 
cony of the Pharoux's hotel where he had been, he first saw the police at- 
tempting to take the men away. But Wathington, on whose testimony 
His Excellency mainly relies, expressly corroborates the testimony of Lam- 
bert, Stark and Davis in this particular. He swears positively that when he 
"first got to the place at the back door of the store," he "saw the police run- 
ning there from the market place near by on the South ". And what was the 
state of the affair when the police came up? Let Wathington himself answer 
the question. " I saw there was difficulty at the back of the store and I went 
up there and saw some seamen belonging to the United States squadron 
trying to get one of their comrades, who was drunk, into the store. Lieu- 
tenants Dams and Stark were directing and aiding the seamen in doing so." So 



DOCUMENT 471 : AUGUST 30, 1847 145 

that beyond all question Driscoll was in the custody of his officer when the 
Police first came up: and they took the seaman out of his custody. 

The Minister for Foreign Affairs, whilst he has several times adverted to 
the testimony of the Brazilian witnesses in general terms, has not particularly 
cited any portion of it in support of his allegations, but has relied upon that 
of the American witnesses. Indeed, a copy of the Brazilian depositions 
never was furnished to Mr. Wise and I did not obtain one until it was deliv- 
ered to me by Mr. Lisboa on the 4th February, last, after he and I had ad- 
justed the controversy. Whilst I shall follow the example of the Minister 
for Foreign Affairs and not minutely examine that testimony, it may, how- 
ever, be observed that neither in the report of the Corporal Santos of the 
Police Guard, who seized Driscoll, nor in the depositions of Guimaraez the 
Sergeant, nor in those of the soldiers of the fusileers, Sousa or Monteiro, nor 
of any other Brazilian witness, is any allusion whatever made to the occur- 
rences at the back door of Brewer's store. They are entirely silent on this 
subject; and well they may be; because the improper conduct there and the 
cruel manner in which the sailors were treated, have caused the unfortunate 
difficulty between two Governments which ought ever to be friends. The 
Corporal Santos in his report of the 3ist October, last, passes it all over by 
saying that he seized Driscoll "whilst he (Driscoll) was pursuing another 
with a knife in his hand, and then while conveying him to the prison of 
Aljube by order of the Most Illustrious sub Delegate of the District of San 
Jose, he was pursued by an English officer with a large number of seamen 
following". The Brazilian depositions are but an echo of this statement. 
I repeat, that they pass over entirely the important occurrences at the back 
door of Brewer's store, out of which the whole difficulty has originated. 
Had Lieutenant Davis attempted at that place to rescue Driscoll out of the 
custody of the Police, surely this fact would have been mentioned. 

The brutal and cruel conduct of the Police towards the three sailors, both 
at the time and after they were taken from the custody of Lieutenant Davis, 
is not denied by His Excellency. On the contrary, he expresses regret for it; 
but yet, whilst speaking of "the inhuman mode which is said in the deposi- 
tions to have been employed by the soldiers to oblige the seamen to follow 
them to prison ", he says they "are certainly not to be carried by the arm like 
a lady, nor to be taken on the shoulders like children"! This is very true. 
But neither are they to be beaten with swords until they are covered with 
their own blood. 

But the Minister for Foreign Affairs believes that after the Police Guard 
had seized the three sailors, and, joined by the soldiers, were conveying them 
to prison, Lieutenant Davis attempted to rescue them by force. If he had 
been guilty of such conduct, he would have been highly censurable. But is 
it credible that a single man armed with a sword, in the midst of a City con- 
taining two hundred thousand inhabitants, would be guilty of the insane 



146 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

attempt to rescue by force three sailors out of the hands of a Police guard and 
a numerous escort of fusileers? If he had committed such an extravagance, 
he would be fitter for a mad house than to perform the duties of an American 
officer. Is it not much more reasonable to suppose, as he expressly swears, 
that he followed after the sailors for the purpose of making explanations to 
the Captain of the Guard and soliciting their discharge? This, as an Ameri- 
can officer it was his duty to do. Had he abandoned these poor sailors in 
this the time of their utmost need, he would have disgraced the service to 
which he belongs. Indeed it was Lieutenant Stark who, according to the 
testimony of Mr. Wathington, first suggested the idea of following the guard, 
observing "It is a damned shame to see men treated in that way; come 
Davis let us go and see what they are going to do with them". 

In order to establish the fact of this attempted rescue, much stress has 
been laid upon the circumstance that before Lieutenant Davis followed the 
guard, he returned into Brewer's store and put on a midshipman's sword 
which he found on the counter. It is plainly proven both by the depositions 
of Lieutenants Stark and Davis, that the latter started to return to the store, 
not for the purpose of putting on his sword, which he had not brought with 
him from the ship, but for that of obtaining an interpreter to accompany 
him to the Chief Officer of the Guard. Being reminded, however, by Lieu- 
tenant Stark of the propriety of wearing his sword as a point of etiquette on 
such an occasion (a question on which, among military men, there cannot 
be two opinions) and "finding a sword on the counter belonging to one of 
the midshipmen (as Mr. Macoduck swears) he took it up" after having 
engaged an interpreter. Having buckled on the midshipman's sword, the 
Minister for Foreign Affairs endeavors to convey the impression that he 
sallied forth to attack the Police Guard with their escort. 

After Lieutenants Davis and Stark returned from the store of Brewer & 
Company, it is perfectly true that the former did run after the guard as stated 
by the Minister for Foreign Affairs. But was this for the purpose of attack- 
ing with his single arm the military force which surrounded the sailors and 
rescuing them, or merely for the purpose of overtaking them and standing 
by them upon their examination before the Chief Officer of Police? There 
is not one word in the testimony of the seven witnesses examined which gives 
the slightest color to the idea that he intended to attack the escort. Such 
an absurdity does not appear to have entered the mind of any one of them. 

Lieutenant Davis outran Lieutenant Stark and first overtook the guard. 
None of his companions had then reached the spot. At this moment a scene 
occurred which I shall present in the language of Lieutenant Davis himself. 
"Whilst the interpreter was detained, he followed the soldiers and their 
prisoner, who had proceeded so far ahead that he was obliged to run some 
distance to catch up with them. He came up with them at the corner of the 
street passing by the palace. Several of the soldiers, he thinks six, faced 



DOCUMENT 471 : AUGUST 30, 1847 147 

around and presented bayonets within a foot or two of his breast. He drew 
his sword and put it on guard, when the soldiers retreated. He then in- 
stantly sheathed his sword and followed to the palace steps/' 

The Minister for Foreign Affairs discredits this whole scene from the fact 
that none of the other witnesses mention it in their testimony. It is true 
they do not; but it is equally true that none of them had overtaken Lieuten- 
ant Davis when it occurred, and this in the midst of a crowded street. So 
far as regards the merits of the case ; it is a matter of no importance whether 
it took place or not. It is only of consequence in regard to the character 
for veracity of a young officer who stands as high for truth and honor as any 
other in the American navy. 

It is of far more importance to ascertain what occurred at the palace; and 
here, fortunately, we have a cloud of witnesses substantiating the same 
statement. The Minister for Foreign Affairs believes that Lieutenant Davis 
entered the guard room of the palace with a drawn sword in his hand. If 
he had founded such a belief upon the testimony of the Brazilian witnesses 
it would not have been remarkable, because the two privates of the fusileers 
and others swear to this extraordinary statement. Besides, Corporal Santos, 
to whose misconduct at the back of Brewer's store we owe the present unfor- 
tunate controversy, in his report from the Head Quarters of the Permanentes 
boldly affirms that Lieutenant Davis pursued him "and entered the guard 
room of the palace with a drawn sword in his hand in order to rescue the said 
seaman whom I [Santos] had made prisoner". But it is truly remarkable 
that the Minister for Foreign Affairs should have derived this belief from the 
testimony of all or any of the witnesses examined before the American 
Consul, not a particle of which affords the least color for such a statement. 

Improbable as is the allegation that Lieutenant Davis attempted to rescue 
the sailors whilst in the street from the strong guard of Permanentes and sol- 
diers by which they were escorted, the improbability is greater beyond all 
comparison that he should have made the crazy attempt of rushing into 
the palace with a drawn sword in his hand, filled as it then was with Brazilian 
officers and soldiers, for the purpose, with his single arm, of rescuing these 
sailors. This would truly have been to cast himself into the Lion's mouth. 
Fortunately for the sanity of Lieutenant Davis, he is relieved from this 
absurd charge by the witnesses examined before the American Consul, as 
well as by circumstances not denied by the Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

That Lieutenant Davis was proceeding to the palace with no hostile intent, 
is demonstrated by the incident related by Mr. M c Lennan. That witness 
swears that as the Lieutenant "got near the palace, several of the sailors 
belonging to the United States men of war were crowding to where Mr. Davis 
stood, and I heard him order them back". 

"On the palace steps the soldiers met Mr. Davis with fixed bayonets and 
drawn swords, which were put to his breast:" so swears the witness Maco- 



148 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

duck. Mr. Holliday of London, a respectable British subject, and wholly 
indifferent between the parties, states this fact still more strongly, and swears 
that he shuddered at Lieutenant Davis' danger, " having made up my [his] 
mind that he would be bayoneted on the spot ". In this critical and danger- 
ous position, he drew his sword, as the witness verily believed, in self defence ; 
but both he and Macoduck, the only witnesses then present at the steps, 
with the exception of Davis himself, swear positively that the sword was 
sheathed when he entered the palace. From the character of the whole 
transaction, this must have been the case. He entered the palace by the 
invitation of the officer of the guard; and surely he could not have entered 
it otherwise. To suppose that he did, would be to affirm that he entered 
it by force, in the face of a file of soldiers armed with muskets and fixed 
bayonets which were put to his breast, and stationed there to guard and 
defend its entrance. To say this, would be to charge the Brazilian soldiers 
with a cowardly violation of duty, a reproach which I feel confident they 
do not deserve. 

The manner in which he entered, is clearly explained by Lieutenant Stark 
and himself . 

Lieutenant Stark, of whose conduct the Minister for Foreign Affairs 
speaks approvingly, was some fifty yards behind, and therefore did not wit- 
ness the scene to which I have just referred. When he came up, he found 
Lieutenant Davis inquiring "for the officer of the guard, who made his 
appearance. Something was said which deponent did not understand, but 
he judged from the motions of the officer that he invited Mr. Davis in. M T . 
Davis then walked in and as soon as he stepped in, a voice in the crowd 
exclaimed in English, "now you are a prisoner' 7 . As soon as Mr. Davis 
entered, they forcibly attempted to take his sword from him, which he 
refused to give up." At this time Lieutenant Stark started from the guard 
room to go back for an interpreter, but in proceeding out, was seized by 
soldiers at the steps and taken back, when the officer of the guard ordered 
him to be released. 

The statement of Lieutenant Davis accords with that of Lieutenant 
Stark, though it is a little more minute. And here it is worthy of remark, 
that the incident at the palace gate which caused Mr. Holliday to shudder 
for his danger, is passed over by Lieutenant Davis without notice. This 
shows how little he desired to aggravate the case. He swears "that he 
followed to the palace steps, that he stopped there and asked for the officer 
of the guard in the Spanish language. In a few minutes the officer came to 
the door and invited^the deponent to enter. He entered and immediately 
the officer laid his hand on the hilt of his sword, at the same time saying he 
was a prisoner. The deponent resisted the taking of his sword, upon which 
he was surrounded by officers and soldiers, a large number, and his sword 
was forcibly taken from him". 



DOCUMENT 471 : AUGUST 30, 1847 149 

Mr. Macoduck fully confirms this statement of the two officers, with addi- 
tional particulars, in regard to all which took place previously to the entrance 
of Lieutenant Davis, into the palace "with his sword in its sheath/' as he 
positively swears. Mr. Macoduck did not enter the palace and therefore 
does not testify to what occurred within. 

How unfortunate was this treachery towards Lieutenant Davis! Had 
the captain of the guard, at the moment, dispassionately listened to the 
statement which he was prepared to make; confirmed as it would have been 
by Lieutenant Stark and others, the three sailors would doubtless have been 
remanded to his custody and the two Governments would have been spared 
the present unfortunate cause of irritation against each other. To sum up 
the whole, it appears conclusively that a drunken sailor who had drawn his 
knife on a companion, with two other innocent sailors, was forcibly taken out 
of the custody of their officer by the Police Guard when taking them to his 
boat; that these poor American sailors were beaten with swords until they 
were covered with their own blood; and that this officer who followed them 
to the guard house to plead their cause before the captain of the guard, 
after being invited to enter, was treacherously seized and confined in prison. 

This being the position of the affair, Mr. Wise addressed a note to Baron 
Cayria on the 2nd November, 1 concluding with an expression of his confident 
hope that the Imperial Government would disclaim and disavow this outrage 
in all its parts ; that it would order the immediate release of Lieutenant Davis 
and the American sailors seized and imprisoned with him ; and that it would 
cause the soldiers of the guard who took the sailors from Lieutenant Davis' 
command, and especially the officer at the time in command of the national 
guard, to be condignly punished. 

Without further tracing the proceedings at Rio de Janeiro, it is sufficient 
to state that the whole case was transferred to Washington to be adjusted 
between Mr. Lisboa and myself. This was done, as I firmly believe, in a 
manner equally honorable to both parties. In consideration of the great 
desire felt by the American Government to cultivate the most friendly rela- 
tions with Brazil, as well as of the firm and powerful representations of the 
able and faithful Brazilian Minister here, this Government abandoned the 
demand for the punishment of the captain and soldiers of the police guard of 
Brazil, and was contented with a simple expression of regret on the part of 
that Government on account of the unfortunate events of the 3 I st October, 
last, and an assurance that the proper means should be adopted to prevent 
similar occurrences hereafter. This Government asked nothing which we 
would not cheerfully have granted to Brazil under the like circumstances; 
and it was with amazement and regret we learned that the course of Mr. 
Lisboa had been condemned by his own Government, notwithstanding the 
Minister for Foreign Affairs himself, in his instructions, expresses his regret 

i Below, pt. iv, doc. 599. 



I^O PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

for the cruel manner in which the sailors were treated whilst they were being 
conducted to prison. 

From all that precedes, you will not be surprised to learn that the President 
cannot comply with the demand of the Minister for Foreign Affairs and will 
not grant the reparation required by the Government of Brazil for the acts 
committed by Lieutenant Davis at Rio de Janeiro on the 3ist October, last, 
reparation, in his opinion, being clearly due from Brazil to the United States 
and not from the United States to Brazil. 

The second demand of the Minister for Foreign Affairs upon the Govern- 
ment of the United States is "a categorical declaration that it had dis- 
approved the conduct of their Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary at this [the Brazilian] Court, Mr. Henry A. Wise; and that it ordered 
his recall as a mark of reparation due to Brazil." 

The latter part of the required declaration is of a most extraordinary char- 
acter. It asks the President to falsify the truth of history and to declare that 
he had recalled Mr. Wise "as a mark of reparation due to Brazil' '; when 
instead of this, the records of the Senate, published in the beginning of 
March, last, prove that he was recalled at his own request. I sincerely hope 
that from some strange accident the Minister for Foreign Affairs may not 
have known this to be the fact at the date of his instructions; because if he 
had, the demand could be viewed in no other light than an indignity to the 
President. He is asked to violate his personal honor and proclaim a known 
falsehood to the world, "as a mark of reparation due to Brazil". 

In regard to Mr. Wise's conduct subsequently to the 3ist October, last, 
in justice to Mr. Lisboa I have already stated that this subject was not em- 
braced in the settlement between that gentleman and myself. On the con- 
trary, in all our conferences, he obeyed the instructions of his government, 
and with a zeal, perseverance and ability which have rendered him an 
eminently successful minister in sustaining the interests of his country in 
the United States, he persisted in urging the recall of Mr. Wise on account 
of his conduct, especially on the occasion of the baptism of the Imperial 
Princess and the f6te of the Emperor's birth day. The question, at Mr. 
Lisboa's request, was submitted to the President, who after careful delibera- 
tion, directed me to return the following answer, which I read to him on the 
loth February, last, twenty days after the date of his note to me by which the 
affair of Lieutenant Davis and the three sailors was adjusted. 

"After a mature consideration of all the circumstances arising from the 
imprisonment of Lieutenant Davis and the American sailors by the local 
authorities at Rio de Janeiro, the President does not believe that he could 
recall Mr. Wise without, by implication at least, subjecting him to a censure, 
which in the President's opinion he does not deserve for his conduct on the 
occasion. The President has arrived at this determination, notwithstanding 
his anxious desire to cultivate the most friendly relations with the Govern- 



DOCUMENT 471 : AUGUST 30, 1847 151 

ment of Brazil. He trusts that any unpleasant impressions produced by 
this affair may speedily pass away and be forgotten, and that during the 
remainder of Mr. Wise's residence at the Imperial Court, nothing may occur 
to interrupt the harmony which ought ever to subsist between the two nations. 

In answer to your inquiry when it is expected Mr. Wise will return from 
his mission, I am instructed to inform you, that some time ago and long 
before the imprisonment of Lieutenant Davis, that gentleman had asked to 
be recalled, and the President had determined to accede to his request. 
This affair having been happily adjusted between the two Governments, the 
President will not change his original determination. A vessel of war will, 
therefore, proceed from the United States to Rio during the next spring 
(probably in April or May) and will carry out a new Minister to Brazil. 
Soon after his arrival, Mr. Wise will return to the United States in the 
Columbia with Commodore Rousseau, whose term of service will then 
have expired." 

Mr. Lisboa expressed much regret and dissatisfaction with this answer. 
He urged, among other arguments, as he had done before in conversation 
and continued to urge afterwards, that the purpose of keeping up diplomatic 
intercourse between nations was to preserve and strengthen their friendly 
relations with each other; and that, whenever, from any cause, a particular 
minister did not or could not accomplish this object, it was the custom of 
nations to recall him, on the request of the power to which he had been 
accredited. He cited some cases to prove that Ministers had been recalled 
for this reason alone, although particularly agreeable to the Governments 
by which they had been appointed. 

Without contesting this general principle, I always answered him in the 
same manner. I observed that there must necessarily be exceptions to this 
rule, arising out of special circumstances, and that the present was a case of 
that kind. That it would be impossible to recall Mr. Wise without involving 
an admission that the Brazilian authorities had acted correctly in imprison- 
ing Lieutenant Davis and the American sailors and a disapprobation of his 
efforts to obtain their release; and that the President would never, by his 
conduct, afford any ground for such an inference. After the settlement 
between Mr. Lisboa and myself, I said, in addition, that the object which the 
Brazilian Government had sought would now be accomplished, as Mr. Wise 
would leave that country early in the next summer; and with this they 
ought to be satisfied. 

The instructions of the Minister for Foreign Affairs render it necessary 
that I should advert more particularly to the conduct of Mr. Wise and 
Commodore Rousseau on the I5th November and 2nd December, last. 

On the first of these occasions, which was the celebration of the baptism 
of the Imperial Infant Isabella, Mr. Wise, although invited, did not appear 
at Court, nor did Commodore Rousseau fire a salute from the Columbia. 



152 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

On the second occasion, which was the fete of the Emperor's birth day, 
Mr. Wise not being invited, did not of course appear at Court, nor did 
Commodore Rousseau fire a salute or hoist the flags of the Columbia. 

In justice to Mr. Wise, it ought to be observed, that the Imperial Govern- 
ment are mistaken in supposing that it was through his advice or agency 
Commodore Rousseau omitted these ceremonies on either occasion. That 
gallant officer acted upon his own responsibility and from a sense of what he 
thought due to the honor of the American flag. 

Whilst the President is anxious that our public functionaries in Brazil 
should pay all due honors to His Imperial Majesty and his august family, 
he cannot, under the peculiar circumstances, condemn either the Minister 
or the Commodore for the mere omission to perform acts of customary 
ceremony. They were both at the time smarting under the recent insult and 
indignity which had been offered to the flag of their country by the Brazilian 
authorities in the affair of Lieutenant Davis and the three sailors, and which 
had just been approved and justified by the Government of His Imperial 
Majesty, and they embraced these occasions to manifest the sense which they 
felt of this insult and indignity. But after all, they only omitted to perform 
acts of courtesy from a deep conviction of what was due to their country; 
and this ought never to form a subject of grave complaint or endanger the 
peaceful relations between two friendly governments. 

Soon after these events, however, our vessels of war at Rio, greatly to the 
satisfaction of the President, commenced again, under the advice of Mr. Wise, 
to fire the customary salutes on festal occasions in honor of Brazil, and have, 
I believe, ever since continued this very proper and respectful practice. 

In regard to the speech said to have been delivered by Mf Wise on the 
occasion of a baptism on board of an American ship in the harbor of Rio, 
I can say nothing, that gentleman having never adverted to the subject in 
any of his communications. I have not seen any account of it except one 
which appeared in a very few American newspapers some six or seven 
months ago. As this speech has never been referred to by the Brazilian 
Government until the date of the instructions on the 3 if May, last, I pre- 
sume they must also have derived their information from the same news- 
papers. Whilst in entire ignorance of the whole transaction from any other 
source, I yet venture to hazard the assertion, that its publication was never 
sanctioned by Mr. Wise as the Minister for Foreign Affairs supposes. 

3. You have also been directed to inform me in case Mr. Tod should 
have left the United States before your receipt of the instructions (which 
he had done) that "the Imperial Government is resolved not to receive him 
in his official character until he has agreed to give satisfaction, in the sense 
and terms in which you are charged to exact it." In other words : a serious 
controversy had been pending between the two Governments; this was 
amicably and honorably adjusted by the Brazilian Minister and myself; 



DOCUMENT 472 : AUGUST 3 1 , 1847 153 

his course has been disapproved by his Government, and in the very com- 
munication announcing this disapproval, I am informed that the Brazilian 
Government have taken the whole affair into their own hands, have pre- 
scribed the only terms upon which it can be settled, and have refused in 
advance to receive our Minister unless he should first agree to give the satis- 
faction required by these terms. All diplomatic relations are thus to cease 
between the two countries by the act of Brazil and the only means is to be 
rejected whereby national disputes can be peacefully and honorably ad- 
justed, through the direct agency of the parties. When one independent 
nation thus assumes the lofty ground of dictating terms to another to which 
she could not have expected submission, at the same time announcing that 
unless these terms should be yielded all friendly intercourse between them 
must be suspended, the natural inference from such conduct is that she in- 
tends an open rupture. And yet it is scarcely conceivable that the Govern- 
ment of Brazil should deliberately resolve to sever, in a manner thus rude, 
the bonds of friendship which have hitherto so happily united the two 
nations. Under this impression, the President will take no decisive step, 
either in relation to the existing controversy or to the urgent questions which 
have long been pending between the two Governments, until he shall have 
first learned that the Government of Brazil have actually refused to receive 
the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States. 
In the mean time, he ardently hopes that upon further reflection, the 
Imperial Government may have adopted more pacific counsels. 

I avail myself of this occasion [etc.]. 

P. S. As it is not clear from M? Wise's despatches that he had furnished 
Baron Cayrti with a copy of the depositions of the Chaplain Lambert and 
Lieutenants Davis and Stark, taken before the American Consul on the 5th 
day of November, last, I now furnish you such a copy for the use of the 
present Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

J- B. 



472 

James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States, to David Tod, United 

States Minister to Brazil l 

No. 4 WASHINGTON, August 3 1, 1847. 

SIR: On the third instant Mr. Leal, the Charg6 d'Affaires of Brazil, called 
at the Department and informed me that he had been instructed by his Gov- 
ernment to state to me, in personal conference: i. That they had dis- 
avowed the settlement made between Mr. Lisboa and myself. 2. That in 
consequence thereof, he had been instructed to make an arrangement of the 

i Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 



154 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

affair of Lieutenant Davis with the Government of the United States. 3. 
That he had also been instructed to make an arrangement with this Govern- 
ment of the affair of Mr. Wise: and 4. That he had been instructed to com- 
municate to me, that if Mr. Tod had not received instructions to arrange 
these two affairs, he would not be officially received by the Brazilian Gov- 
ernment upon his arrival at Rio, nor until he had received such instructions. 

After Mr. Leal had proceeded so far as to make known to me the nature 
of the demands of the Brazilian Government in regard to the affairs of Lieu- 
tenant Davis and Mr. Wise, I asked him if he proposed to discuss these ques- 
tions in verbal conference. He replied that such were his instructions. I 
then objected to this mode of treating the questions. I said that the set- 
tlement between Mr. Lisboa and myself had been made in writing, and there 
ought therefore to be some communication in writing on the files of the 
Department to show that this settlement had been disavowed by the 
Brazilian Government; 1 that in regard to any new arrangement of the 
questions in dispute, the subject was one of great importance and might 
possibly involve the friendly relations between the two Governments; that 
this Government was responsible to the people and their Representatives 
for the manner in which their foreign relations were conducted ; and I should 
therefore be unwilling that the proceedings between us on so grave a question 
should rest entirely on his memory and my own. Congress might call for 
information and I could not report in answer a private conversation between 
him and myself. Besides, we might differ in our recollection and thus involve 
the subject in still greater difficulties than existed at present. I therefore 
suggested to him the propriety of addressing me a communication in writing. 

Mr. Leal replied that his Government was, also, a responsible Government; 
but his instructions were to treat with me on the subject in personal con- 
ference. Finally, however, after many remarks on both sides, but more on 
his part than mine, he promised that he would furnish me, within two or 
three days, either a memorandum in writing, or a copy of his whole in- 
structions. 

On the 5*> instant he delivered to Mr. Derrick, in my absence from the 
City, a copy of his instructions, dated on the 3ist May, last, 2 of which I 
now transmit you a copy. I also transmit you a copy of my answer to Mr. 
Leal dated on yesterday. 3 

These two documents will make you fully acquainted with the present 
state of the affair as well as with the views of the President, to which you 
will of course conform. 

If the Brazilian Government have refused to receive you and should 

1 Most of a line is left blank in the file copy of this instruction at this point, as if it had 
been the intention to insert a few words later; and the next line begins with a capital letter. 

2 See below, pt. rv, doc. 617, Sr. Leal's note of August 2, 1847, asking for an appointment 
to communicate the orders from his government; and, in footnote 2, the text of the 
instruction of May 31, 1847, to Sr. Leal from the Foreign Minister at Rio de Janeiro. 

3 Above, this part, doc. 471. 



DOCUMENT 472: AUGUST 31, 1847 155 

persist in this course until you can no longer indulge a reasonable hope that 
you will be received without making the required apology, then it is the 
President's direction that you shall return to the United States. The frigate 
Savannah, on her return from the Pacific, will touch at Rio and may prob- 
ably afford you the means of conveyance. 

This whole affair is annoying, especially at the present moment. We 
have nothing to gain in honor, but much to lose in commercial interest by a 
rupture with Brazil. This ought to be avoided, if possible; but yet I need 
scarcely say that under no circumstances will the required apology be made. 
Still, it is very desirable that the Brazilian Government should receive you. 
In that event the settlement between Mr. Lisboa and myself might be per- 
mitted to remain, or at the worst, we might consider whether we would not 
suffer matters to continue in statu quo and thus pass into oblivion. On the 
other hand, should the Brazilian Government finally refuse to receive you, 
it may become the imperative duty of this Government to demand satisfac- 
tion from them, and in case of refusal, to enforce this demand. 

Should diplomatic relations be suspended between the two Governments, 
this demand, as well as a demand for the payment of the long deferred claims 
of our citizens on the Brazilian Government, must be made by an officer of 
the Navy in command of an American squadron. This would necessarily 
cause much irritation. 

The Government of Great Britain, through their Minister at Washington, 
have, on the nth June, last, communicated information, with the facts 
upon which it is founded, to this Government, showing, "that the number 
of slaves introduced into Brazil from Africa in 1846, was no less than forty 
two thousand ; and that the trade is openly carried on without any attempt 
at hindrance on the part of the authorities." * The African slave trade is a 
disgrace to the civilization of the nineteenth century; but thank God! 
Brazil is the only nation on the American continent where it is tolerated. I 
regret, however, to say that there is too much reason for believing that the 
Brazilians are aided in this nefarious traffic by American citizens and 
by vessels built in the United States for the very purpose. Our squadron 
upon the coast of Brazil has been instructed to use the utmost vigilance in 
discovering and capturing all American vessels on the open sea and beyond 
the Brazilian jurisdiction, whether outward or inward bound, engaged in the 
African slave trade. This will almost necessarily produce dangerous and 
delicate questions between the two Governments which, without the inter- 
vention of a Minister of the United States at Rio, may end in an open 
rupture. Indeed, the continuance of peace between the two nations may de- 
pend upon your reception by the Government of Brazil, as Envoy Extraordi- 
nary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States. 

i The British note from which this is quoted has not been included in the present publica- 
tion since it does not come directly within its scope. 



156 PART III! COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

In view of all the circumstances, therefore, I am specially directed by the 
President to instruct you to use all honorable efforts to be received by the 
Brazilian Government and not to leave Rio until these shall have been 
exhausted and the case has become hopeless. 

I am, Sir, [etc.]. 



473 

James Buchanan, Secretary oj State of the United States, to Felippe Jos& P. 
Leal, Brazilian Charge <T Affaires ad interim at Washington l 

WASHINGTON, November 15, 1847. 

SIR: I have had the honor to receive your note of the Qth September, 2 
with "the copy of the documents in the trial of the accused seaman, Michael 
Driscoll in which will be seen, as you observe, on the n*? leaf, the acknowl- 
edgement by the criminal made before the Court of the Subdelegation of San 
Jose, of the knife brought by him from on board the Sloop of War Saratoga 
and taken from him by the Patrol of the Police", &c. 

This document has doubtless been presented to the Department for the 
purpose of proving that the police of Rio de Janeiro first arrested the seaman 
Driscoll and took possession of his knife, and of thus discrediting the positive 
testimony of the Chaplain Lambert and Lieutenants Davis and Stark of 
the American Navy, who have sworn positively to the fact that Driscoll was 
seized by Lieutenant Davis and deprived of his knife before the police 
guard was even in sight. 

After the receipt of your note, I felt it to be my duty to send for Lieu- 
tenant Davis and receive his explanations upon the subject. These are 
full and satisfactory and are contained in his deposition taken on the 2nd 
instant before the Mayor of this City, a copy of which I have the honor to 
enclose. I also transmit you a copy of the deposition of Mr. Henry A. Wise, 
taken at the same time and before the same officer. 

The depositions of Messrs Lambert, Stark and Davis, corroborated as 
they have been by the other four witnesses examined before the American 
Consul at Rio, had rendered it perfectly certain that the knife alleged to 
have been acknowledged by Driscoll as his own, could not have been the 
knife brought by him from on board the Saratoga. This knife had been 
delivered up to Lieutenant Davis by Driscoll in the grog shop where he was 

1 Notes to Brazil, vol. 6. 

2 The note referred to is not included in this publication, since it is nothing more than a 
covering note communicating the documents mentioned. The translation of the court 
record enclosed, covers thirty-nine pages. These duplicate some of the other numerous 
court records, amdavits^etc., filed with various related documents. None of these has been 
included in this publication because of its bulk, and because there was no dispute regarding 
the fact that a crime had been committed, or as to who was the criminal. The only really 
important dispute, and a matter of international importance, was as to whether the Brazilian 
police or the United States naval officer should have arrested and retained the criminal. 



DOCUMENT 473: NOVEMBER 15, 1847 157 

seized and handed over to the seaman named Rooney, who never was 
molested by the Police. 

To whom, then, did the knife belong which was produced before the Sub 
Delegate of the police of San Jose, and in what manner did the Police ob- 
tain possession of it? Let the witness Wathington answer this question. 
In his deposition taken before the American Consul at Rio on the 1st 
November, 1846, he swears that whilst ' I (Wathington) was standing in the 
door of the palace, there was an American sailor standing there, also, a man 
of war's man, quite a peaceable spectator, and I think eating something at 
the time. A number of soldiers came running up behind him, one of them 
seized a sheath knife in his belt, then they caught hold of him, a number of 
them, and began to beat him, &c. The name of this man was Lansing San- 
born, miscalled Lanborn in the Brazilian proceedings against him, and it 
was his knife, not that of Driscoll, of which the Brazilian police thus ob- 
tained possession. 

That the Police knew this to be the fact, is clearly established by another 
circumstance. The day after the arrest of Lieutenant Davis, on the 1st 
November, 1846, the sword which he had worn was brought into the room 
where he was confined as a prisoner, with a knife tied to it. The sword 
with the knife thus attached stood in the corner of the room and there Mr. 
Wise saw it when visiting Lieutenant Davis on the morning of the 2nd 
November. When Lieutenant Davis was released, he carried away the 
sword and left the knife of Sanborn behind. After this, the Brazilian police 
in order to furnish testimony to exculpate themselves, must have taken this 
knife to the Court of the Sub-delegate of police on the 5th November, fol- 
lowing, and induced Driscoll, who had been in a state of such brutal intoxi- 
cation that he was unconscious of all that passed on the 3ist October, to 
acknowledge Sanborn's knife to be his own. That this was an after thought 
and that the Police had no such purpose on the ist and 2nd November, is 
manifest from the fact that the knife was left with the sword in the custody 
of Lieutenant Davis to be taken away by him when released from imprison- 
ment, had he thought proper. Lieutenant Davis swears, that "when Dris- 
coll was asked by Sanborn why he had claimed or admitted his, Sanborn's 
knife to be the knife which had been taken from him, Driscoll, (on the 3ist 
October, 1846) he, Driscoll, replied that 'there was enough of them in trouble 
already'. This was the reason why Driscoll acknowledged a knife to be his 
which he knew was not his and consequently Sanborn was released as inno- 
cent on the 5th November, 1846. 

Thus it appears that the whole story was ingeniously invented by the 
Police to prove that they had first seized Driscoll and to shield themselves 
from the punishment from their own Government which they so well 
deserved. That the Brazilian Minister for Foreign Affairs did not attach 
any importance to this story of the knife at the date of his instructions to 



158 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

you of the 3ist May, last, is manifest from the fact that he has not even al- 
luded to it throughout the whole of that able and elaborate document. For 
my own part, the first intimation which I ever received of it came from 
yourself in conversation on the 8th September, last, after you had received 
my note of the 3Oth August, last, in reply to the instructions of the Minister 
for Foreign Affairs. 

After conversing with Mr. Wise since his return to this country, truth 
requires that I should now correct the mistake which I committed in 
having strongly expressed the belief in my note to you of the 3Oth August, 
last, that he had not sanctioned the publication in the United States of the 
speech made by him on the occasion of the baptism on the deck of the 
Frigate Columbia in the harbor of Rio. It is proper, however, to observe 
that he considered his participation in this transaction on board of a national 
vessel of war at some distance from the shore, to be of a private, not an 
official character, and that under such circumstances, he felt himself as 
free to express his sentiments as if he had been in the United States. The 
speech, as Mr. Wise observed to me, was neither intended for nor heard by 
the Brazilians, nor did any knowledge of it reach Brazil until after it had 
been published in some of our own journals and through this medium was 
sent back to Rio and there re-published. 

I avail myself of this occasion [etc.]. 



474 

James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States, to Felippe Jose P. 
Leal, Brazilian Charge d 7 Affaires ad interim at Washington 1 

WASHINGTON, November 17, 1847. 

SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the 2ist 
ultimo 2 with a copy of the instructions of His Excellency the Minister for 
Foreign Affairs to yourself, dated on the soth August last. 

The President is gratified to learn that Mr. Tod, the Envoy Extraordi- 
nary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, has been kindly and 
courteously received by His Imperial Majesty. 

Having already so fully and frankly presented the views of the President, 
in my notes to you of the 3Oth August, last and 15th instant 3 , in respect to 
the unhappy differences between the two Governments, I have nothing to 
add upon the present occasion except to say that these views remain un- 
changed. 

1 Notes to Brazil, vol. 6. 

2 Below, pt. iv, doc. 625. In note 2 to it, is the text of the instruction from the Minister 
of Foreign Affairs at Rio de Janeiro. 

3 For both of these notes, see above, this part, docs. 471 and 473, respectively. 



DOCUMENT 475: NOVEMBER 22, 1847 159 

The President is pleased to learn that an Envoy Extraordinary and Minis- 
ter Plenipotentiary to the United States "will shortly be appointed" by 
His Imperial Majesty. He trusts that this high functionary will come to 
Washington instructed and prepared to settle all existing differences between 
the two Governments in a manner just and honorable to both countries. 
In expressing this desire, he feels constrained to reiterate his deep regret 
that the amicable and honorable adjustment of the affair of Lieutenant 
Davis and the American seamen, made by M? Lisboa and myself, had not 
proved satisfactory to the Brazilian Government. It is his sincere wish 
that every cause of misunderstanding between the two Governments should 
be speedily removed and that they should preserve and cultivate the most 
friendly relations with each other. 

I avail myself of this occasion [etc.]. 



475 

James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States, to David Tod, United 

States Minister to Brazil 1 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 7 WASHINGTON, November 22, 184.7. 

SIR: Your despatches to N? 9, inclusive, with the exception of N? 6, 2 
have been received. 

In reply to the request contained in your N? 3, 3 , I am directed to inform 
you that the President, under all the circumstances, approves your conduct 
in asking an audience to present your credentials to the Emperor, and is 
gratified that you have been kindly and courteously received. He regrets 
however that in your speech to His Majesty you should have deemed it 
necessary to make any allusion whatever to your predecessor. From the 
known feelings of the Emperor towards that gentleman, you might have been 
certain that this would call forth a reply which could not prove agreeable 
to this Government, which had approved his conduct in the controversy 
arising out of the imprisonment of Lieutenant Davis and the three American 
sailors, and more especially as this affair was to be adjusted at Washington 
and not at Rio. 

It is earnestly hoped that the Minister about to be sent to the United 
States by the Imperial Government, may come instructed and prepared to 
adjust this controversy in a satisfactory manner. The subject has yet 
attracted but little comparative attention in the United States; but when 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

2 Below, pt. iv, doc. 622. His No. 9 does not come within the scope of this publication. 

3 See below, pt. iv, doc. 621. 



160 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

all the papers in relation to it shall have been submitted to Congress, it will 
doubtless produce considerable excitement in the public mind. I under- 
stand that Mr. Wise will cause a call for these papers to be made by the one 
or the other branch of Congress. Should His Majesty think proper to re- 
store Mr. Lisboa, who has been cruelly treated for doing his duty faithfully to 
his country, this would smooth the way to the adjustment of the difficulty. 
Indeed, in that event, the President might be willing to consign the whole 
affair to oblivion without further explanation. . . - 1 

I transmit, herewith, a copy of a note under date the I5th instant, 2 ad- 
dressed by this Department to Mr. Leal, in answer to one from that gentle- 
man which was accompanied by a transcript of the judicial proceedings at 
Rio against Michael Driscoll, the seaman whom the police of that City 
took from the custody of Lieutenant Davis on the 3 1st of October, 1846. 
It is to be hoped that the explanations contained in this note and in the 
depositions of Mr. Wise and Lieutenant Davis, to which it refers, will satisfy 
the Brazilian Government that the police were not so fortunate as to obtain 
possession of Driscoll's knife, at any time. Of the importance, however, 
for their exculpation of making this appear, they seem to have been well 
aware. 

I am, Sir, [etc.]. 

476 

John M. Clayton, Secretary of State of the United States, to Sergio T. de 
Macedo, Brazilian Minister to the United States 3 

WASHINGTON, April ji, 1849. 

SIR : Agreeably to your request, I now have the honor to express in writing 
the remarks which I have addressed to you orally in regard to the affair of 
Lieutenant Davis and the seamen of the United States sloop of War Saratoga. 

On entering upon the office of Secretary of State, I was under the impres- 
sion that this affair had been definitively arranged between M r Buchanan and 
the Chevalier de Lisboa. It seems, however, that this was an erroneous 
impression; that the Brazilian Government, supposing that the Chevalier 
de Lisboa had made concessions derogatory to their rights and not war- 
ranted by his instructions, had recalled him and had disavowed the part 
which he took in that transaction; that M r Leal, left by him as Charg6 

1 The omitted portion deals with claims and with the postponement of the effective date 
of a law affecting whale fishers. 

2 Above, this part, doc. 473. 
* Notes to Brazil, vol. 6. 

Sergio Texeira de Macedo, to whom this note was addressed, had presented his credentials 
as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of Brazil, on March 12, 1 849. He went 
on leave in June, 1851 ; and took final leave by letter from Brazil, September 5, 1851. The 
placing of the "T" before Sergio in the address to this note was evidently an error. He 
signed his notes merely "S. de Macedo." In his letter of recall, the full name is given as 
transcribed at the beginning of this paragraph. 



DOCUMENT 477: APRIL 4, 1850 l6l 

<f Affaires, having been instructed to effect a more satisfactory adjustment, 
endeavored, but fruitlessly, to accomplish that object, and that you are 
directed to revive the subject. 

In the several conferences held with me, you have elaborately and ably ' 
pressed the reconsideration and reversal of the points discussed and decided 
by M r Buchanan in regard to this affair. The records of the Department 
do not disclose the substance of the verbal conferences between M r Leal 
and M r Buchanan on this subject. I am bound to presume, however, that 
M r Buchanan had good reasons for the course which he adopted. You 
affirm and I am sure it must be so, that M r Buchanan fully admitted the 
right of the authorities of Brazil to try and punish crimes and infractions 
of their police regulations committed in its territory by the sailors, citizens 
or subjects of any nation. Years have rolled away since this controversy 
commenced. M r Wise has returned to his own country and to private 
life. The two governments have continued their kind relations with each 
other. Friendly Ministers have been interchanged, and while declining 
now to open again an useless discussion, I take pleasure in stating to you, 
that the President regrets the occurrences which unfortunately led to a 
temporary misunderstanding between the two governments, and the more 
especially as he anxiously desires to cultivate with Brazil pacific and inti- 
mate relations, and cherishes towards the Constitutional Sovereign and 
the people of that great country, the most respectful and friendly regard. 

I avail myself of this occasion [etc.]. 



477 

John M. Clayton, Secretary of State of the United States y to David Tod, United 

States Minister to Brazil 1 



No. 24 WASHINGTON, April 4, 

SIR: I transmit a copy of two notes under date the 24th ult, and of the 
documents which accompanied them, addressed to this Department by the 
British Minister 2 here, representing that the slave trade between the coast 
of Africa and Brazil is still carried on by United States Vessels. You will 
adopt any measures which the laws of the United States and that Empire 
may authorize and which may comport with your official position for the 
purpose of repressing the illegal traffic referred to. 

Your despatches to N 51, inclusive, have been received. 

I am, Sir, very respectfully [etc.]. 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

2 For these two notes from the British Legation, see below, the volume and part contain- 
ing Communications from Great Britain. Their enclosures, in footnotes to them, purported 
to contain indications that not all was being done that might have been done to suppress 
the slave trade. 



1 62 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

478 

Daniel Webster, Secretary of State of the United States, to Sergio T. de Macedo, 
Brazilian Minister to the United States x 

WASHINGTON, May 7, 1851. 

The Undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, has the honor 
to transmit to the Chevalier de Macedo, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
Plenipotentiary of Brazil, a copy of a letter of the 5th. instant, addressed 
to this Department by the Secretary of the Navy, referring to the observa- 
tions and studies of the winds and currents of the ocean by the Superintendent 
of the National Observatory in this City and in connexion therewith, of the 
river Amazon, and its capacity for increased commerce. It refers also to a 
Memoir already in the hands of Mr. Macedo, written by the Superintendent 
upon the same subject. 

The government of the United States strongly favors all enterprizes and 
all political arrangements designed to explore new channels for commerce, 
and to increase the intercourse of nations. In all this it seeks no selfish or 
sinister end, desires nothing that others may not partake in and abstains 
with particular caution from the slightest interference with the just rights of 
other States. In his proposed visit home, Mr. Macedo will have opportu- 
nity to converse with his government upon this subject, and this Depart- 
ment will be very happy to hear from him in regard to it. The river Amazon 
is one of the most magnificent if not the most magnificent on the globe. It 
rolls a vast volume of water along many hundreds of miles to the sea, but as 
yet the amount of commerce upon its waves bears little proportion to its 
capacity. The intelligent government of Brazil gives undoubtedly all due 
consideration to the importance of this mighty stream and it will receive, 
as is trusted, this communication as a friendly suggestion upon a topic of 
general interest. 

The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion [etc.]. 
i Notes to Brazil, vol. 6. 



DOCUMENT 479: MAY 8, 185! 163 

479 

Daniel Webster, Secretary of State of the United States, to Robert C. Schenck, 
United States Minister to Brazil l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 2 WASHINGTON, May 8, 1851. 

SIR : The relations between the United States and Brazil are of the most 
friendly character. The Convention between the two governments of the 
27th. of January, i849, 2 has been carried into effect on their part. Still, 
our citizens resident m or trading to that country may have had some few 
causes of complaint against the Brazilian authorities arising since the date 
of the Convention. It will be your duty to examine them, and make appli- 
cation to that government for redress, if this should in your judgment be 
proper. 

The efforts of your predecessor to conclude a commercial treaty with 
Brazil, to take the place of that of 1828, which expired pursuant to notice 
from the Brazilian Government, have not been crowned with success. The 
President's Proclamation of the 4th. of November, 1847, directing the dis- 
continuance of discriminating duties in United States ports pursuant to the 
Act of Congress of the 24th. of May, 1828, gives to Brazilian vessels and 
productions in our ports the same advantages which they enjoyed under the 
Treaty, and it is understood that like advantages are enjoyed by the vessels 
and productions of the United States in the ports of Brazil. Inasmuch, 
however, as any arrangement by means of reciprocal legislation is liable to 
be interrupted whenever either party may deem that expedient, it would be 
advisable to have it made continuous for a term of years by means of a 
treaty. The full power which you will herewith receive will enable you to 
enter upon a negotiation for that purpose whenever that government may 
be so disposed. You are referred to the instructions given to Mr. Tod upon 
this subject 3 and will be guided by them so far as they may be applicable 
to the existing state of our relations with Brazil. 

It is understood that the Brazilian government has recently been active 
in the execution of its own laws for the suppression of the African slave 
trade. If it shall persevere in this, it may not be necessary for you to take 
any steps with a view to carrying into effect the ninth Article of the treaty 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

Robert C. Schenck, of Ohio, to whom this instruction was addressed, was commissioned 
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Brazil, on March 12, 1851, which post 
he held until October 8, 1853. While filling this post, he was also associated with John S. 
Pendleton, charge d'affaires at Buenos Aires, in negotiating treaties with that country, 
Paraguay and Uruguay. In 1870, he became minister to Great Britain. 

2 A claims convention, printed in Treaties, Conventions, etc. Between the United States 
and Other Powers, and in other publications. 

3 The instructions referred to do not come within the scope of this publication, as delimited 
in the preface to the first volume; neither would this paragraph and part of the preceding one 
have been included except for their brevity, and for the light they cast on the relatively 
friendly relations between the two governments. 



1 64 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

of Washington of the 9th. of August, 1842. If, however, during your mis- 
sion an occasion should arise for the remonstrances to which that article 
refers, you will address them orally or in writing to the Brazilian Minister for 
Foreign Affairs. 

You will herewith receive a copy of a letter of the 5th. instant addressed 
to this Department by the Secretary of the Navy, suggesting the expediency 
of an arrangement between this government and that of Brazil for the free 
navigation of the Amazon river. A copy of the letter has also been com- 
municated to Mr. Macedo with a note x expressing a disposition to enter into 
the arrangement here whenever he might be furnished with powers for the 
purpose. You will, upon a suitable occasion, sound the Minister for Foreign 
Affairs upon the subject, and if you should find him favorably disposed 
towards it you may suggest the transmission to Mr. Macedo, of a power and 
instructions in regard to it or, if the Minister should prefer that the negotiation 
should be carried on at Rio de Janeiro, a power and instructions will be 
transmitted to you. 2 . . . 

I am, Sir, very respectfully [etc.]. 



480 

John J. Crittenden, Acting Secretary of State of the United States , to Robert 
C. Schenck, United States Minister to Brazil 3 

No. 9 WASHINGTON, October 25, 1851. 

SIR: The President has been gratified by the information communicated 
by Mr. Tod and yourself, that in consequence of a recent attack on a Brazil- 
ian coasting vessel by a British ship of war, the Imperial government might 
confer upon some other nation the privilege of carrying on its coasting trade, 
and that the flag of the United States would probably be chosen for the 
purpose. In adopting this measure, that government would show a saga- 
cious regard for the interests of Brazil and it would be received by this gov- 
ernment as a flattering proof of confidence and good will. It is presumed, 
however, that if the franchise should be bestowed upon the vessels of the 
United States, this would be effected by Imperial Decree or legislative enact- 
ment, and that no treaty stipulation upon the subject would be expected 
from this government, engageing to confer a special equivalent on Brazil. 
Such an expectation could in no event be fulfilled. We could not either by 
law or by treaty, reciprocate the grant, because as the coasts of the United 
States are much more extensive than those of Brazil, reciprocity would not 

1 Above, this part, doc. 478. 

2 The omitted portion directed him to endeavor to obtain relief for a Boston company in 
a minor commercial matter. 

3 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 



DOCUMENT 480: OCTOBER 25, 185! 165 

be an exchange of equivalents. The disparity in the value of the coasting 
trade of the two countries could seem to be especially glaring, when it Is con- 
sidered that the intercourse by sea between the Atlantic States and Califor- 
nia and Oregon is considered by us to be a coasting trade. 

The impracticability of reciprocating the grant by Treaty will also be 
acknowledged, when it is known that we have treaties with several nations 
of small territorial extent, promising not to confer a particular favor upon 
any other nation which shall not be conferred upon them upon the same 
terms. 

If, however, Brazilian statesmen will take a correct view of all the circum- 
stances, the President is persuaded that they will not hesitate in reaching 
the conclusion, that the interests of that Empire would not require any 
other advantages from the United States than those which are now enjoyed 
by the trade of Brazil with this country, and which would flow from the 
greater safety and despatch with which Brazilian property embarked in 
United States vessels would be conveyed between different ports on the Bra- 
zilian coast. The superior safety of their property in our vessels would not 
arise solely from its being protected by our flag from aggression by other 
powers, but from the excellence in the build of United States vessels and the 
skill with which they are navigated. 

In the fiscal year ending in July, 1850, coffee to the value of eleven mil- 
lions two hundred and fifteen thousand and seventy six dollars was imported 
into the United States. Of this the value of seven millions four hundred 
and twenty two thousand six hundred and eight dollars was received from 
Brazil alone, the balance, about one third, being the value of the article 
received by us from all the other coffee bearing countries on the globe. No 
duties are levied upon this Brazilian staple in the ports of the United States. 
Brazil receives from us a very small part of our productions in payment for 
her coffee, and upon flour, the most important of these, she levies a consid- 
erable duty. If, therefore, the Brazilian shipping interest should object 
to the employment of United States vessels in the coasting trade of that 
country, discerning persons there not directly interested in that business, 
would it be presumed, acknowledge the benefit which Brazil would derive 
from the measure and would not look for any special compensation from the 
United States. 

I am, Sir, very respectfully [etc.]. 



l66 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

481 

Daniel Webster, Secretary of State of the United States, to Robert C. Schenck, 
United States Minister to Brazil 1 

No. 15 WASHINGTON, April 29, 1852. 

SIR: Since the fall of Rosa's, it seems to have occurred to the principal 
commercial States that an opportunity would be afforded to obtain an im- 
portant vent for their productions by means of the mighty rivers which flow 
through or bound the territories of the Argentine Confederation. The sub- 
ject has attracted the attention of the British Parliament, and it is under- 
stood that the government of Great Britain is about to despatch a Special 
Minister to Buenos Ayres for the purpose of proposing arrangements with 
a view to secure the object referred to. From conversations also, which 
have been had with Mr. Crampton, Her Britannick Majesty's Minister 
here, it seems that the matter has been officially brought to the notice of 
the French government by that of Great Britain and the cooperation of this 
government has likewise been invited. The President, in view of the well 
known and uniform policy of the United States is, consequently, disposed to 
cooperate with other powers in extending the benefits of commercial inter- 
course to those remote regions. In adopting this course, he is not actuated 
by any desire to seek peculiar advantages for the United States, nor would he 
consent that other governments should obtain monopolies or exclusive 
privileges. We are not well advised of the actual State of political affairs 
in that quarter. The general impression however, is, that as the restrictive 
policy of Rosas had more or less influence in inciting and directing that hos- 
tile opposition to his rule which has resulted in his overthrow, his successor 
will reverse that policy. How far this impression may prove to be well 
founded, it would be unsafe to predict when the prejudices of statesmen of 
the Castilian race and other circumstances shall be taken into due consid- 
eration. Even if General Urquiza should be disposed to allow a more free 
admission of foreign products into the Argentine Confederation, he may not 
be willing to permit them to be conveyed on more or even on equally favor- 
able terms along the Argentine rivers when destined to other countries in 
which those rivers take their rise or through which they flow in part. Still 
less could he be expected to permit those rivers to be navigated by foreign 
vessels, whether propelled by steam or by sails or whether their voyages 
along the rivers should be limited to points within his own country or ex- 
tended to the territories of the Uruguay, of Brazil, of Bolivia, or of Paraguay. 
It is well known that Rosas resolutely refused to acknowledge the inde- 
pendence of the latter State, and when he supposed that it was the intention 
of the administration of President Polk to acknowledge it, officially pro- 
tested against it in advance through the Minister of the Argentine Confedera- 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 



DOCUMENT 481 : APRIL 29, 1852 1 67 

tion accredited to this government. And even if Urquiza should acknowl- 
edge that independence, the act would be of no advantage either to foreign 
powers or to Paraguay herself if he should refuse free access to and from 
that country by the rivers which empty into the La Plata. As his own 
territories occupy both banks of some of those rivers, he would have at least 
a show of right for this refusal, as much, indeed, as Great Britain has for 
withholding from the United States the free navigation of the St. Lawrence. 

In the judgment of the President, however, the probabilities of the adop- 
tion of a liberal policy by Urquiza are sufficiently strong and its importance 
to the interests of the United States is great enough to warrant and require 
vigilance and activity on our part towards securing any advantages which 
may be derived therefrom. This is the more necessary for us in contradis- 
tinction to Great Britain, as we have never had any treaty with the Argen- 
tine Confederation, whereas Great Britain has long had one with that State 
from which her navigation and commerce have enjoyed more or less advan- 
tages .over those of the United States. You will consequently repair to 
Buenos Ayres, and, in concert with Mr. Pendleton the Charge d' Affaires of 
the United States at that place, you will propose to the Buenos Ayrean gov- 
ernment a treaty of commerce with the United States. Such a treaty, if 
concluded upon a broad basis such as that of the treaty between the United 
States and the Republic of Costa Rica of which copies are herewith enclosed, 
would be sufficient for the purpose. A treaty upon any other basis, however, 
not inferior to that which Great Britain or other powers may have or may 
conclude with that government would be acceptable. 

A full power authorizing you to act jointly with or, in case of accident, 
separately from Mr. Pendleton, is herewith transmitted. It is presumed 
your absence from Rio de Janeiro need not be prolonged beyond [blank] 1 
months. You will present Mr. Coxe as Charg< d'Affaires ad interim during 
that time. You will of course be allowed your travelling expenses to and 
from Buenos Ayres of which you will keep a separate account to be supported 
by vouchers when they can be obtained. For those expenses actually in- 
curred, you will draw on this Department, specifying the object on the face 
of your drafts. A letter from the President of the United States, introducing 
you to the President of the Argentine Confederation, one from myself to 
the Minister for Foreign Affairs of that Confederation, and a special passport 
which you will no doubt find useful, are also herewith transmitted. 

I am, Sir, very respectfully [etc.]. 

1 Here, a blank was left in the file copy as if for the subsequent insertion of the number. 



j68 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

482 

Daniel Webster, Secretary of State of the United States, to Robert C. Schenck, 
United States Minister to Brazil 1 

No. j6 WASHINGTON, April 29, 1852. 

SIR: It is considered probable that, if the independence of Paraguay should 
be acknowledged by the government of the Argentine Confederation, that 
Republic will accredit a diplomatic agent to the Argentine government. In 
view of this contingency, the President has empowered Mr. Pendleton and 
yourself to conclude a commercial treaty with that Republic. You will 
accordingly sound the Paraguayan Minister upon the subject, and suggest 
to him that he apply for powers and instructions to negotiate and conclude 
such a treaty, if he should not already have been provided with them. If, 
however, there should be no diplomatic agent of Paraguay at Buenos Ayres 
during your visit there, you may make overtures on the subject of a treaty 
to the Paraguayan Minister at Rio de Janeiro, should there be a functionary 
of that character accredited to the Brazilian government. 

No special instructions are deemed necessary to enable you to carry into 
effect the power to Mr. Pendleton and yourself to negotiate a Treaty with 
the Oriental Republic of the Uruguay. 

You will keep an account of your travelling expenses, which must be sup- 
ported by vouchers when they can be obtained, and will draw on this De- 
partment for their amount. 

Your despatches to N 9 I9, 2 inclusive, have been received. 

I am, Sir, very respectfully [etc.]. 



483 

Wittiam L. Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States, to Francisco de 
Carvalho Moreira, Brazilian Minister to the United States 3 

WASHINGTON, April 20, 1853. 

The Undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, has the honor 
to acknowledge the receipt of the note addressed to him on the 4th. instant 4 
by Mr. de Carvalho Moreira, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary of His Majesty, the Emperor of Brazil, in which reference is made 
to certain newspaper articles recently published which have created the im- 
pression on the mind of Mr. Moreira that a steamer of the United States is in 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 2 Not within the scope of this publication. 

3 Notes to Brazil, vol. 6. 

Francisco de Carvalho Moreira presented his credentials as envoy extraordinary 
and minister plenipotentiary of Brazil, on September 21, 1852. He took leave on August 
i, 1855. 

* Below, pt. iv, doc. 641. 



DOCUMENT 483: APRIL 2O, 1853 169 

the Amazon, which has been sent thither for the purpose of exploring that 
river; and Mr. Moreira desires to be informed whether any steamer, belong- 
ing either to the merchant service or to the Navy of the United States has 
been despatched to the Amazon with the knowledge of the authorities, and 
if said steamer be now there under the circumstances mentioned. 

Considering the frequent inaccuracy and exaggeration of newspaper state- 
ments when not officially promulgated, and conscious, at the same time of 
the scrupulous regard with which his Government studies to respect the rights 
of friendly powers, the undersigned might at once have denied the truth of 
such allegations so far as any official proceedings of the United States may 
have given occasion for them. But he preferred to enclose a copy of Mr. 
Moreira's note to the Secretary of the Navy, enquiring whether there was 
any vessel of the United States under orders to enter the territory of Brazil 
by the Amazon river or whether any expedition of this nature had been or- 
ganized or countenanced by the Navy Department. In reply to these 
inquiries the Secretary of the Navy alleges that no vessel is bound to the wa- 
ters of the Amazon under the instructions of that Department, but he sug- 
gests that some misapprehension on this point may have arisen from the 
organization of an expedition for the exploration of the valley of the Ama- 
zon, the origin of which the Undersigned will endeavor briefly to explain to 
Mr. Moreira. 

In connection with the observations and studies of the winds, and ocean 
currents which have been for some years prosecuted by the Superintendent 
of the National Observatory in this City, it was thought desirable to examine 
the course, capacity, and other physical phenomena of the River Amazon 
and the valley thro' which it flows. Accordingly on the yth. May, 1851, a 
note was addressed by this Department to the Chevalier Sergio T. de Ma- 
cedo, 1 the predecessor of Mr. Moreira, communicating a copy of a letter of 
the 5th. of the same month in which the Secretary of the Navy explained 
fully the wishes and intentions of the Navy Department in organizing this 
expedition. In the note of the Department to the Chevalier Macedo, 
every selfish or sinister motive was frankly and fully disclaimed, and the Min- 
ister of Brazil, who was then on the eve of departing for his home, was kind 
enough to give to the officers destined for this exploration passports and 
letters to enable them to descend the river Amazon to its mouth, for the pur- 
pose "of gratifying a liberal curiosity and extending the limits of geographi- 
cal knowledge in which Brazil and all other civilized States have a common 
interest." Of these officers one had returned prior to the close of the last 
year, but the other, having pursued a different route did not reach the 
United States with his comrade. 

In all the proceedings thus detailed Mr. Moreira will observe that the 
government of the United States has carefully avoided any infringement of 

1 Above, this part, doc. 478. 



170 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

the rights of Brazil, or any disregard of the courtesy due to a power with 
which it cultivates the most cordial relations. 

To revert to the Mercantile Marine of the United States which is referred 
to in the note of Mr. Moreira, the Undersigned has the honor to inform him, 
that it is quite impracticable, in view of the immense extent of the commerce 
of the American Union, for the Government of the United States to be cog- 
nizant of the destination and ultimate objects of all the vessels that leave the 
ports of this country. Nevertheless, the Undersigned is quite ready to as- 
sure Mr. Moreira, that the officers of the customs would not knowingly 
facilitate the departure of any vessel which contemplated any violation of 
the laws of Brazil. 

If, however, any vessel should have sailed with this object in view, 
she renders herself of course, amenable to these laws, and the Govern- 
ment of the United States will not assume the responsibility of justifying 
the act. 

The Undersigned avails himself of this opportunity [etc.]. 



484 

William L. Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States, to William Trousdale f 
United States Minister to Brazil 1 

No. 3 WASHINGTON, August 8, i<?5j. 

SIR: The most important object of your mission an object to which you 
will devote your early and earnest efforts is to secure to the citizens of the 
United States the free use of the Amazon. There are several Republics 
with which our countrymen have commercial intercourse, situated on the 
upper waters and tributaries of that Great River. With these States they 
would carry on an extensive trade were not our vessels excluded from ap- 
proaching their internal ports by the selfish and unjustifiable policy of the 
Brazilian government, which claims and has hitherto exercised the right to 
obstruct the trade of the countries bordering upon and contiguous to the 
Amazon, with foreign nations through this great natural highway. The as- 
sumption and exercise of this right is not only injurious to the interests of the 
States on the navigable waters of the Amazon but to all other nations wish- 
ing to use these waters for the purpose of commercial intercourse. 

This restricted policy which it is understood Brazil still persists in maintain- 
ing in regard to the Navigable Rivers passing through her territories is the 
relic of an age less enlightened than the present. The doctrine upon this 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

William Trousdale, of Tennessee, the writer of this despatch, had been commissioned 
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Brazil, on May 24, 1853. He appears 
to have retained the position until December 5, 1857, on which date he took leave 



DOCUMENT 484: AUGUST 8, 1853 171 

subject is clearly presented in the following extract from Wheaton's "Ele- 
ments of International Law. 11 

Things of which the use is inexhaustible, such as the sea and running water [including 
of course navigable streams] cannot be so appropriated as to exclude others from 
using these elements in any manner which does not occasion a loss or inconvenience to 
the proprietor. This is what is called an innocent use. Thus we have seen that the 
jurisdiction possessed by one nation over sounds, straits, and other arms of the sea, 
leading through its own territory to that of another, or to other seas common to all 
nations, does not exclude others from the right of innocent passage through these 
communications. 

The soundness of this principle cannot, I presume, be controverted by the 
Imperial government of Brazil. It will not therefore, it is believed, with- 
out denying rights to our citizens, to which they are fairly entitled, longer 
withhold from them the use of the Amazon to carry on commercial inter- 
course with Ecuador, Peru & Bolivia, New-Granada and Venezuela. You 
will claim from it the renunciation of any authority she may have heretofore 
exercised to prevent the passage of the merchant vessels of the United States 
up and down that River in their legitimate commerce with any of these 
Republics. You are instructed to claim for our citizens the use of this 
natural avenue of trade. This right is not derived from Treaty stipulations 
it is a natural one as much so as that to navigate the ocean the common 
highway of Nations. By long usage it is subject to some restrictions imposed 
by nations through whose territories these navigable rivers pass. This right 
however to restrict or regulate commerce carried to its utmost extent does 
not give the power to exclude such rivers from the common use of Nations. 

Should you discover any reluctance on the part of the government of Bra- 
zil to yield to this just claim you will impress upon it the determination of 
the United States to secure it for their citizens. The President is desirous 
to cultivate the most amicable relations with that government and would 
much regret to have these relations disturbed by its persistence in a policy so 
much at variance with all the liberal views of civilized and enterprizing 
nations. 

We claim for this continent the same privileges which nearly forty years 
ago were arranged by common consent and have been ever since applicable 
to the navigable rivers of Europe. The regulations adopted by the allied 
sovereigns at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 on this subject were but the 
recognition of the law of nations in regard to the use of navigable rivers pass- 
ing through different realms, as will appear from the following extract. 

FREEDOM OF NAVIGATION 

" Navigation, throughout all the courses of those rivers indicated in the 
preceding article, from the point where each becomes navigable, to the mouth 
of the same, shall be entirely free, and may not, for commercial purposes, be 
interdicted to any one; provided that the regulations relating to the police of 



172 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

said navigation shall be observed; which regulations are to be uniform and as 
favorable as possible to the commerce of all nations.* 1 

We have had no Convention with Brazil since 1843, and she is manifestly 
indisposed to obligate herself to us by entering into new stipulations. With 
nearly all the civilized powers and States of the earth we have treaties of 
Amity, Commerce, and Navigation. She has hitherto refused to conclude 
even a reciprocal Consular Convention with us. We place her Consuls upon 
the footing of those of the most favored nation, while our interests are con- 
stantly suffering in Brazil for the want of such privileges as we thus accord. 
We take from her without imposing any duty whatever upon its importation, 
more of her staple product than we take of that article from all the rest of 
the world. For the year ending the 30^ of June last the value of the Bra- 
zilian Coffee which entered our custom-houses amounted to $10,064,740, 
while our entire value of domestic exports to Brazil for the period terminating 
the same day amounted to only $2,782,179. 

You will represent the inequality which exists in our relations with that 
Empire so much to our detriment and urge 1 to the consideration of its gov- 
ernment upon every suitable occasion, the importance to our interests of 
obviating it by a judicious Convention ; in which the right which we claim to 
carry our products upon the Amazon to a third country shall be fully recog- 
nized. 

I am, Sir, respectfully [etc.] 

485 

William L. Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States, to Francisco de 
Carvalho Moreira, Brazilian Minister to the United Stales * 

WASHINGTON, September 22, 1853. 

The Undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, has the honor 
to acknowledge the receipt of the note addressed to him under date of the 
15*1 ultimo, 3 by the Commander Carvalho Moreira, Envoy Extraordinary 
and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty, the Emperor of Brazil, in rela- 
tion to the preparations alleged to be in progress in the City of New York, 
having in view, as is supposed, the illegal, and, if necessary, the forcible 
entrance of the Amazon river and its main tributaries. 

The Undersigned had hoped that the solicitude entertained by Mr. Mor- 
eira upon the subject, would have been relieved by the reply which he had 
the honor to address on the 20th of April, last, 4 to Mr. Moreira's note of the 
4th. of the same month. 5 The undersigned, consequently, perceives with 

J This follows, faithfully, the file copy of the document as originally written. A pencil 
line, however is drawn through the word and above it is written in pencil, evidently in a 
different hand, the word "bring," which would, of course, fit the sense better 

2 Notes to Brazil, vol. 6. a Below, pt. iv, doc. 644 

4 Above, this part, doc. 48*. s Below, pt. rv, doc 641" 



DOCUMENT 485: SEPTEMBER 22, 1853 173 

some surprise, that Mr. Moreira has permitted his apprehensions to be re- 
vived by news-paper rumors to this effect. 

i*i That certain adventurers are fitting out steam-vessels for the purpose 
of forcing an entrance into the Amazon, and thereby reaching Peruvian and 
Bolivian ports: and 

2^L That Lieu- Porter of the United States Navy has received a leave of 
absence for two years for the purpose of taking command of this ex- 
pedition. 

Mr. Moreira also alleges that these newspaper statements have been con- 
firmed by information which he has himself obtained upon the subject. 
The Undersigned is persuaded however that none of it is entitled to confi- 
dence. Mr. Moreira will perceive from the letter addressed to this Depart- 
ment by the Secretary of the Navy, a copy of which is herewith transmitted, 
that no furlough has been granted to Lieu* Porter. The greater probability 
is, that the government or citizens of Peru, aware of the facilities which this 
country affords for constructing and fitting out steamers, have taken meas- 
ures for availing themselves of these facilities for the purpose of navigating 
the Amazon, pursuant to the recent treaty between Brazil and Peru. 

The government of the United States has never countenanced or encour- 
aged any hostile enterprise from this country against the territories of a 
friendly power. On the contrary, laws have repeatedly been enacted for 
the purpose of frustrating such enterprises. These laws are believed to be 
ample for their object, and no distrust can be entertained of the fidelity of 
the officers who are charged with their execution. Letters have, however, 
been addressed by this Department to the Attorney of the United States, 
and to the Collector of the Customs at New York, apprizing them of the ap- 
prehensions expressed in Mr. Moreira's note, and warning them to be vigilant 
towards preventing any violation of the laws above referred to. 

The undersigned is at a loss to comprehend how Mr. Moreira could for a 
moment entertain the suspicion that an officer of the Navy of the United 
States would receive a furlough for the very purpose of taking command of 
the supposed illegal expedition. Mr. Moreira will be assured by the letter 
of the Navy Department that no naval officer could obtain its consent to 
his engaging in any such undertaking. 

The undersigned is not disposed to deny that the advantages to general 
commerce which a navigation of the Amazon and its tributaries would af- 
ford, must long have been a conviction of intelligent and enterprizing citi- 
zens of this country. This conviction may have led to a wish on the part of 
some of them to be the pioneers in the undertaking. The undersigned can- 
not, however, presume, that they would carry this into effect in violation of 
the laws of Brazil, knowing that they could never receive any countenance 
from this government in an enterprise which contemplated a disregard of the 
rights of that Power. If, however, contrary to all just expectations, they 



174 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

should have the temerity to take such a course, they must expect to incur 
the penalties which those laws prescribe. 

The undersigned, however, permits himself to entertain the hope, that the 
Brazilian government, actuated by an enlightened regard for the interests 
of the Empire, will strive, by all proper means, to develope its vast resources. 
It appears to the undersigned that no measure would be more certain to 
lead to this result, than the removal of unnecessary restrictions upon the 
navigation of the Amazon, and especially to the passage of vessels of the 
United States to and from the territories of Bolivia and Peru, by the way of 
that river and its tributaries. It is hoped that by means of treaty stipula- 
tions those advantages may be obtained for citizens of the United States. 
The undersigned avails himself of this occasion [etc.]. 



486 

William L. Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States, to Francisco de 
Carualho Moreira, Brazilian Minister to the United States 1 

WASHINGTON, December i, 1853. 

The Undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, has the honor to 
acknowledge the receipt of the note of Mr. de Carvalho Moreira, Envoy 
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Brazil, of the 28^ instant, 2 
referring to a recent newspaper statement in regard to the organization of a 
Company at New York, for the purpose of navigating the Amazon River 
by steam, and suggesting the expediency of renewing to the present Col- 
lector of the Customs at that Port, the orders which were given to his 
predecessor on the subject, pursuant to Mr. Carvalho de Moreira's note to 
this Department of the 1 5th. of August, last. 

In reply, the Undersigned has the honor to acquaint Mr. de Carvalho 
Moreira, that the newspaper statement to which he refers is considered to 
be too indefinite to serve as a foundation for any official proceedings of this 
Department. Mr. Hermon J. Redfield, the present Collector at New York, 
has, however, been furnished with a copy of the letter which was addressed 
by the Department to his predecessor Mr. Greene C. Bronson, and his atten- 
tion has been officially invited to the subject. 

The government of the United States is determined faithfully to discharge 
all its obligations to the government of Brazil. In carrying this purpose 
into effect, however, its proceedings must be in accordance with existing laws 
These, authorize no act with a view to the arrest of persons or the detention 
of property upon mere suspicion of an intention to commit an offence. 

1 Notes to B.razil, vol. 6. 

of 



DOCUMENT 488: MAY 26, 1854 175 

There must be reasonable probability of such intention, and the person 
entertaining it, must so declare on oath before a magistrate competent to 
administer the same. This jealousy of the rights of persons and of property 
which is characteristic of the legislation of the United States, is more or less 
difficult of comprehension by those who have been accustomed to a different 
system, and may sometimes lead them to doubt, both the efficacy 1 the laws 
themselves and the fidelity of those who are entrusted with their administra- 
tion, when, in point of fact, no cause for such doubt may exist. 
The undersigned avails himself of this occasion [etc.]. 



487 

William L. Harcy, Secretary of State of the United States, to Francisco de 
Carvalho Moreira, Brazilian Minister to the United States 2 

WASHINGTON, January 25, 1854. 

The Undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, has the honor 
to acknowledge the receipt of the note of the Commander de Carvalho 
Moreira, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty, 
the Emperor of Brazil, dated the i6th. instant, 3 with which is transmitted 
by order of the Imperial Government, a copy of a despatch addressed by the 
Department of Foreign Affairs of Brazil, on the 7th. November last, 4 to its 
diplomatic representative near the government of the United States, in rela- 
tion to the Treaties respecting the free navigation of the rivers Parana and 
Uruguay, concluded at San Jos6 de Flores, on the loth: July 1853. 

The Undersigned has the honor to inform Mr. Moreira that this communi- 
cation will receive the careful consideration which the importance of the 
subject demands; and avails himself [etc.]. 



488 

William L. Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States, to William Trousdale, 
United States Minister to Brazil 5 

No. 14 WASHINGTON, May 26, 1854. 

SIR: It may be agreeable to you to be informed that William E. Venable, 
Esquire, of Tennessee, has been appointed Secretary of the Legation of the 
United States at Rio de Janeiro. Mr. Venable has not yet signified his ac- 

1 This apparent omission of the word "of" was noted in the file copy. 

2 Notes to Brazil, vol. 6. 5 Below, pt. iv, doc. 658. 

4 The instruction of November 7, 1853 is appended to and printed with the note of Janu- 
ary 1 6, 1854. See below, pt. iv, doc. 659. 
6 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 



PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

ceptance of this appointment, but, in the event of his doing so it is hoped 
that no unnecessary delay will prevent his joining your Legation. 

The Department has received with much satisfaction the intelligence com- 
municated in your recent despatches 1 with reference to the supposed favor- 
able disposition of the Imperial Council of State upon your propositions for 
the free navigation of the Amazon. Your course in connection with this 
delicate and important subject has been judicious and is highly commended; 
and it is hoped that the next despatches from you will announce the confirma- 
tion by the Imperial Government of that favorable action which you had 
learned had been adopted by the Council. 

No despatches have been received later than your N? 7. 

I am, Sir, respectfully [etc.]. 



489 

William L. Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States, to Francisco de 
Carvalho Moreira, Brazilian Minister to the United States 2 

WASHINGTON, November 16, 1854. 

The Undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, has the honor to 
acknowledge the receipt of the note of the Commander de Carvalho Moreira, 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Em- 
peror of Brazil, of yesterday 's date, 3 requesting the decision of this Govern- 
ment in relation to the subject of the note addressed by the Imperial Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs to the Commander Moreira under date of yth. 
November, i853, 4 and by him communicated to this Department. 

The Undersigned has, since his brief acknowledgement of the Commander 
Moreira 's note, on the 25th. January last, 5 given to the despatch of His Ex- 
cellency, the Brazilian Minister of Foreign Affairs, that consideration which 
the importance of its contents demanded. 

His Excellency, in that despatch, informs Mr. Moreira of the apprehen- 
sions entertained by the Imperial Government that the stipulations contained 
in the fifth, sixth, and seventh articles of the Treaty between the United 
States and the Argentine Confederation on the lo*. 11 July 1853, "may prove 
detrimental to the rights which Brazil possesses as a sovereign nation"; 
and the conditions under which those rights and interests may be invaded, 
under these several articles, are fully set forth. 

As these objections were based upon contingencies which might not occur, 
the President was unable to perceive that they were of sufficient force to 
justify any impediment to the ratification of the Treaty, by and with the 

\ ?* **/!, Wow Pa?**- * Notes to Brazil, vol. 6. Below, pt. iv, doc. 676. 

Appendai to and printed with the note of January 16, 1854, from the Brazilian minister 
to the Secretary of State. See below, pt. iv, doc. 650 
* Above, this part, doc. 487. 



DOCUMENT 490: APRIL 26, 1855 177 

advice and consent of the Senate of the United States. Those measures 
having therefore been adopted, the ratification of the Treaty has been trans- 
mitted for exchange and it is expected that it will be speedily proclaimed as 
the law of the land. 

It cannot, however, be perceived that the articles in question trench, even 
in the most limited degree, upon the rights or interests of Brazil. In fact, 
the Brazilian Minister of Foreign Affairs himself appears to regard the stipu- 
lations referred to as only conditionally objectionable. He says they "may 
prove detrimental". It is, certainly, not within the province of the under- 
signed to prescribe in anticipation of supposed events, what would be the 
course of this government, if any of these should take place, but he takes 
great pleasure in conveying to Mr. Moreira the assurance that this Govern- 
ment is not disposed to encourage or extenuate the slightest invasion of the 
rights or privileges of Brazil, and the Government of His Imperial Majesty 
may rest satisfied that should any difference arise as to the interpretation of 
the Treaty, the Government of the United States will be found claiming such 
a construction only, as may comport with the principles of justice, with the 
rules of public law, and with those interests of Brazil which as a nation in 
amity with her she shall feel bound to respect. 

The Undersigned avails himself of the occasion [etc.]. 



490 

William L. Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States, to William Trousdale, 
United States Minister to Brazil x 

No. 20 WASHINGTON, April 26, 1835. 

SIR: The memorandum accompanying your N 9 32 , 2 which contains a 
minute of your conference with the Emperor, has afforded great satisfaction 
to the Department. The freedom with which His Majesty, on that occasion, 
appears to have expressed himself in regard to the commercial relations of his 
Empire and the United States, and the fact, to which you allude in the 
body of your despatch, that a prominent and influential member of the 
Council of State is warmly in favor of establishing treaty relations with the 
United States; and, besides, the contingency to which you refer, that an 
entire change in the Ministry, and, consequently, in the foreign policy of the 
Government may be effected at an early day, are all considerations to en- 
courage the hope, that if Brazil is not actually prepared to enter upon ne- 
gotiations, she is not, at least so prompt in rejecting all overtures upon this- 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

2 See below, pt. iv, doc. 683, and the memorandum enclosed with it, dated February 26, 

> on which date, the conference occurred. 



X y8 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

point, and may indeed be in a state of transition to the ultimate attainment 
of a liberal and enlightened policy. 

Looking forward, therefore, to the possibility of a favorable response to 
your propositions for a Commercial Treaty, I transmit herewith a full power, 
which will enable you to take advantage of any auspicious moment for enter- 
ing upon negotiations with His Majesty's Government. 

I am, Sir, respectfully [etc.]. 



491 

William L. Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States, to Aguiar de Andrada, 
Brazilian Charge d Affaires ad interim at Washington 1 

WASHINGTON, April 8, 1856. 

The Undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, has the honor to 
acknowledge the receipt of the note of the Chevalier Aguiar de Andrada, 
Charg^ d 'Affaires, ad interim, of His Majesty the Emperor of Brazil, of the 
Si 8 . 4 ultimo, stating, by order of the Imperial Government, that the Bra- 
zilian auxiliary division which had been stationed at Montevideo had 
marched therefrom on the I4th. of November, last, for the territory of the 
Empire. 

The Undersigned is gratified to learn that, in consequence of the public 
tranquillity, this measure took place in advance of the period when the 
continuance of the troops at Montevideo was supposed to be necessary 
pursuant to the agreement to which Mr. Andrada refers. 

The Undersigned [etc.]. 



492 

William L. Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States, to Aguiar de Andrada, 
Brazilian Charge d' Affaires ad interim at Washington 2 

WASHINGTON, April jo, 1836. 

The Undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, has the honor 
to acknowledge the receipt of the note of the Chevalier Aguiar de Andrada, 
Charg6 d'Affaires ad interim of His Majesty the Emperor of Brazil, of the 
i 8 .* ultimo, 3 transmitting, by order of his Government, a copy of the note 
addressed by the Imperial Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to the Min- 
ister of Foreign Relations of Paraguay, on the 8th. July last, 4 wherein are set 

i Xotes to Brazil, vol. 6. 2 Notes to Brazil, vol. 6. 

3 For the note of March I, 1856, from the Brazilian charge d'affaires, see, below, pt. IV, 
doc. 698. 

4 Below, pt. iv, doc. 698, immediately following the note of March i. 1856, of which it is 
properly a part. 



DOCUMENT 494: SEPTEMBER 15, 1857 I?9 

forth the bases of the right which the Government of Brazil maintains in the 
questions pending between the Empire and that Republic. 
The Undersigned avails himself [etc.]. 



493 

William L. Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States, to William Trousdale, 
United States Minister to Brazil x 

No. 28 WASHINGTON, July 14, 1856. 

[Same as No. 20 of this date to Minister Peden in Argentina.] 1 



494 

Lewis Cass, Secretary of State of the United States, to Richard K. Meade 
United States Minister to "Brazil 2 



No. 2 WASHINGTON, September 15, 

SIR: You will receive, herewith, your letter of credence with the usual 
office copy, for the proper disposition of which you are referred to the printed 
personal instructions already communicated to you. 

Mr. Trousdale has been apprized of your appointment, and according to 
an intimation already made to him, his letter of recall with the correspond- 
ing office copy is herewith committed to you for delivery to him. 

You are referred to the archives of the Legation for such information as is 
necessary to place you in possession of the views of this Department in 
respect to the relations subsisting between the Government of the United 
States and that of Brazil. In reference to the navigation of the Amazon, 
which you will find prominently presented in the general instructions to your 
immediate predecessor, it is thought expedient to instruct you to defer the 
discussion of that subject, until after having become acquainted with the 
general views of the Brazilian administration in regard to it which you will 
communicate to the Department, in order that such special instructions as 
may be deemed advisable may be given. 

The extent of the commerce between the United States and Brazil, is a 
matter of public notoriety. Official documents, to which you are referred, 

1 Above, vol. i, pt. i. This communication related to the Paris Declaration, regarding 
the rights of neutrals. The text is not copied in the appropriate volume of Instructions to 
Brazil, but, instead, there occurs the entry as above, 

2 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 

Richard K. Meade, of Virginia, to whom this instruction was addressed, was commissioned 
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, on July 27, 1857. He appears to have 
held the post, continuously, until July 9, 1861, on which date he took leave; and, apparently, 
he did not return. 



ISO PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

will furnish you with the particulars. The balance of the trade has long 
been heavily against this country. As this may in part result from natural 
causes, it may be impracticable to equalize it. There is reason to hope, 
however, that by the zealous and discreet employment of proper measures, 
the balance may be materially reduced. This is an object which the Presi- 
dent ardently desires, and hopes that it may be accomplished during your 
mission. Owing to the comparatively easy circumstances of the great bulk 
of the people in this country, coffee, the staple of Brazil, which in Europe 
may be called a luxury the consumption of which is confined to the more 
opulent classes, is here considered a necessity even by the laboring poor. 
This may in part have led Congress to exempt the article from import duty, 
regardless of its origin. It is not to be supposed that the Brazilian govern- 
ment is unaware of the motives of this policy on our part. There is reason, 
however, to believe that it has hitherto assigned undue weight to them. 
This is shown by its persistence in levying the export duty on coffee and by 
charging heavy import duties on productions of the United States, especially 
flour, which is the most considerable of them. The latter, however, is per- 
haps more an article of luxury in Brazil than coffee is in Europe, as its con- 
sumption is understood to be restricted, to the inhabitants of the larger 
cities on the coast who are in comparatively easy circumstances. 

What are the means by which the Brazilian government might be most 
likely induced to modify its financial policy to our advantage? It is under- 
stood that they have a settled repugnance to entering into new commercial 
treaties with any nation, and that this was naturally and perhaps justly oc- 
casioned by the embarrassments which were brought upon them by their 
former treaties with commercial States, and particularly Great Britain. 
The policy of admitting the productions of a foreign country upon terms 
specified in a treaty, is not favored in this country. Besides the inconven- 
ience it might occasion if an exigency should render an increase of duty on an 
article desirable, the rate of which may have been fixed in the treaty, we have 
a clause in many of our treaties which would give other countries a right to 
claim the same terms for similar productions of theirs. This gives rise to 
further inconvenience if ultimately yielded and if denied or much delayed, 
leads to protracted controversies with those governments which more or less 
disturb our good understanding with them. 

It may be taken for granted that the Brazilian government will not abolish 
or diminish the duties on the exportation of the productions of Brazil to the 
United States or on the importation of our productions, so long as they are 
confident in our forbearance by continuing to admit their coffee free of duty. 
To this forbearance, however, there must be a limit. Although in admitting 
coffee free, we have in part been actuated by the general demand for it in this 
country at the cheapest rate attainable, the Brazilian government must not 
suppose that this liberality, so far as it embraces the coffee of Brazil, has not 



DOCUMENT 495: SEPTEMBER I, 1858 l8l 

also been occasioned by a hope and even an expectation of measures of recip- 
rocal liberality on their part, which if much longer delayed, may lead to a 
discriminating duty in this country against Brazilian coffee. This duty 
might at first slightly increase the cost of the article to the consumer, but he 
would probably be compensated by the stimulus which it would give to the 
production of coffee in other countries, and would be further reconciled to the 
measure, by the certainty that a perseverance in the policy would probably 
compel the Brazilian government to lower its duties on our productions and 
on the exportation of coffee. While we consume this and other productions 
of Brazil in a quantity and to a value vastly disproportionate to those in 
which she consumes the productions of the United States, she admits British 
manufactures at easy rates of duty while Great Britain consumes compara- 
tively little of her productions, because these are of the same character as 
those from her colonies which she feels bound to protect. This discrimina- 
tion is felt by us to be unjust on general grounds and its effect to be injurious, 
but when the different interests and the different course of this government 
in regard to labor in Brazil are taken into consideration we feel that we have 
a just right to complain. 

The President, however, is of the opinion that the best means to bring 
about a change in the commercial policy of Brazil would in the first instance 
at least be by colloquial intercourse with the leading statesmen of that coun- 
try. Official written memorials upon the subject might be considered im- 
proper, and should not be ventured upon without previously sounding the 
Minister for Foreign Affairs upon the subject. 

There are a few unadjusted claims of our citizens against Brazil; but in- 
structions have been sent to Mr. Trousdale the effect of which in regard to 
some of these sufficient time has not elapsed for him to communicate. These 
claims are believed by this Department to possess every element of justice 
which it will be a matter of sincere concern to this Government if that of 
Brazil shall have failed to recognize before your arrival at Rio de Janeiro. 

I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 



495 

Lewis Cass, Secretary of State of the United States, to Richard K. Meade, 
United States Minister to Brazil l 

No. 9 WASHINGTON, September i, 1858. 

SIR: You are aware that serious differences exist between this government 
and that of Paraguay. -From their origin and character and the remoteness 
of that country, there was reason to question whether it would be practicable 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 



1 82 PART III: COMMUNICATIONS TO BRAZIL 

honorably and satisfactorily to adjust them, unless the President were author- 
ized to use coercive measures to that end. He consequently applied to Con- 
gress for the necessary power, which has been granted. The commissioner 
to that country for whom provision has also been made by Congress, will 
soon proceed thither. In anticipation, however, of his arrival, and in view 
of the interest which his Majesty the Emperor of Brazil must take in the 
movements of this Government, involving the contingency of hostilities with 
one of his nearest neighbors, it is deemed desirable that you should explain in 
high quarters on proper occasions the purposes of your Government. You 
will give it to be distinctly understood that we have no disposition to oppress 
Paraguay but hope that the government of that country will give such a 
favorable consideration to our reasonable demands, that there will be no oc- 
casion to use the authority which has been conferred upon the President. 
We shall approach her with the most friendly disposition and shall not, with- 
out sufficient cause, abandon the hope that this will be reciprocated and that 
all matters in dispute will be amicably and satisfactorily adjusted. If, 
however, we shall ultimately be disappointed, we deem it due to our national 
character every where but especially in that interesting and important region, 
to be prepared vigorously to resent the injuries of which we complain, and the 
proper steps for this purpose will consequently be taken. 

It may be suggested to you also, to make these views generally known 
among the representatives of other Governments at Rio de Janeiro, when 
proper opportunities are presented. The President desires that the public 
opinion of those countries which are in the neighborhood of Paraguay, should 
be, as far as possible, enlightened on this subject, and that the Paraguayan 
authorities should thus be led to a reasonable compliance with our demands. 
While he may be compelled, in justice to our national honor and the rights 
of our citizens, to employ against Paraguay the force placed at his disposal 
by Congress, and will certainly do this if it becomes necessary, he means that 
it shall appear nevertheless that coercive measures were not adopted, until 
all those of a pacific character had proved unavailing. 

A copy of the Congressional document containing the printed correspond- 
ence relative to Paraguay is herewith communicated to you. 

I am, Sir, your obedient servant. 



DOCUMENT 496: JUNE 25, 1859 183 

496 

Lewis Cass, Secretary of State of the United States, to Richard K. Meade, 
United States Minister to Brazil 1 

No. 10 WASHINGTON, June 25, 1859. 

SIR: When our Commissioner to Paraguay, Mr. Bowlin, was at Asuncion, 
he was visited by Senhor Amaral, the diplomatic representative of 
Brazil, who "offered with great courtesy and cordiality the mediation of his 
government" to secure the satisfactory adjustment of our difficulties with 
Paraguay without a resort to extreme measures. 

Mr. Bowlin very properly declined to accept the proffered mediation but 
expressed not only his willingness, but his desire, that the good offices of 
Senhor Amaral should be exerted in behalf of a peaceful settlement. 

Since that result has been happily secured it is due to the Government of 
His Imperial Majesty that they should know how highly the Government of 
the United States appreciate and how cordially they esteem the disinterested 
and benevolent intentions of Brazil to promote a harmonious issue of pending 
differences. 

Altho' the official mediation of other Powers was declined, the President 
ascribes the auspicious result of negotiations, in no small degree, to the zeal- 
ous and enlightened efforts of the Brazilian representative in Paraguay, as 
well as those of the President of the Argentine Confederation. 

You are directed therefore to communicate to the Government of His Im- 
perial Majesty the high sense entertained by the President of their friendly 
disposition, as well as of the good offices of Senhor Amaral in furthering their 
amicable objects. 

I am, Sir, your obedient servant. 

1 Instructions, Brazil, vol. 15. 



PART IV 

COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 



COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

497 

Ethan A. Brown, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Martin 
Van Bur en, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 3 March 19, 1831. 

SIR: . . . The Emperor returned on the eve of the ii* h instant His 
proclamation, at Ouro Perto, addressed to the Miners, had preceded him, 
two or three days; giving great dissatisfaction to the liberal party; which, as 
far as I can find out, comprehends much the greatest part of the Brazilians. 
The Emperor is thought to favor the Portuguese; who are partisans of a 
system of absolute monarchy; and whose demonstrations, in this city, of 
late, have indicated a disposition to carry things with a high hand. They 
have lately endeavoured to assume an imposing attitude; and, as I have been 
told, boast that they reckon thirty thousand of their number possessing 
the great mass of the wealth in this province. The late insults and assaults 
of which the Brazilians complain is attributed to them and to their instiga- 
tion. This distinction of parties, with the Emperor's supposed attachment 
to the foreigners, is doubtless unfortunate for his majesty. . . . 

I have the honor [etc.]. 

498 

Ethan A. Brown, United States Charge d* Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Martin 
Van Bur en, Secretary of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 4 Rio DE JANEIRO, April 7, 1831. 

SIR: . . . The outrages, are attributed to the party that calls itself 
Brazilian: who, on their part, recriminate that the ' Portuguese ' party first 
committed acts of hostility towards them, to provoke their resistance, and 
by hastening the crisis, to give a pretext to the Emperor for striking a coup 
d'Etat, to reduce them to submission, and establish a more unrestricted 
power in the Crown. Yesterday, it was known that the Emperor had again 
changed his Ministry. The change, on this occasion, was total. . . . 

In the afternoon and evening there was a very large assemblage of people 
in the great square, Campo de S*? Anna latterly called Campo d'accla- 
macao. This concourse must have seemed the more formidable to the 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 8. 

The omitted portions tell, in detail, of internal Brazilian revolutionary threats. 

2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 8. 

The omitted portions tell of holiday celebrations, of threatened hostilities against the 
Emperor, and of cabinet changes. 

187 



1 88 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

Emperor and the Portuguese, as it shewed order and determination. They 
deputed a Magistrate, who is somewhat like one of our justices of the peace, 
to the Emperor, to request or demand (I am not certain which,) a restoration 
of the Ministry just displaced; and it was soon publicly known, that the 
whole of the troops had joined the Brazilian party; even those, on whose 
attachment to himself, the Emperor had most relied. I hear this morning 
that the guards at the Palace, marched off to the Campo, to join the popular 
side. At midnight, the British and French Admirals received a request 
from the Emperor to repair to the Palace; and set off in their boats, [the 
charges of those nations received and complied with a similar request.] 
It is now understood, that at 3 o'clock this morning, the Em[peror] abdicated, 
in favor of his son, a boy about 4 years old [some say turned of 5.], and at 
8 o'clock repaired, with the Empress and Donna Maria, on 'board of the 
British Admiral's Ship of the line, now lying in the harbor. Some individ- 
uals of the diplomatic corps are conversing about the course the body ought to 
adopt, and I am told this moment, by M ? Gomez, that they propose assem- 
bling at the house of the Nuncio, to consult. I shall not attend, as it appears 
plain to me, that my duty requires me to keep quiet. Our countrymen are 
most respected of all the foreigners, by the now prevailing party, which 
entertains very hostile feelings towards the Portuguese; who have some 
cause for alarm; for their persons and property; but less on account of the 
appearance of regularity, that hitherto, since yesterday morning, distin- 
guishes the people now assembled at the Campo; who have been on their 
posts all night; and a note from the city, this morning, represents them as 
mixed in the ranks with the soldiers, and exercising with them. My house 
is rather out of the City, strictly speaking, and a mile & a half, at least, from 
the place of the great concourse. I should be there to make my observa- 
tions, in person, but that I can hardly do so incog: and conceive I do best 
for my country by staying away, and employing the time I can gain free of 
interruption, in giving you information. If I obtain any more details, in 
time to get them on board the Augusta, before her departure, I shall com- 
municate them. 

The City and Province of Rio de Janeiro, have been, for some time, the 
part of the Empire thought to contain more friends to Dom Pedro, and to a 
stronger, if not an absolute government [monarchy.] than any other part of 
Brazil. The northern provinces, the country of the mines, and of S* 
PauFs, are jealous of power in the Monarch. I mention the last with some 
emphasis, since, for education, manners, morals, and high minded patriot- 
ism, they are considered the pride of the Brazilian population. The great 
political object of the revolutionists seems to be to assimilate the government 
of this country, in every practicable particular, to our own, to make States 
of the provinces, allowing them their own government and laws, and to form, 
of these, a confederation like ours. I am induced to think that a republic 



DOCUMENT 499: OCTOBER 12, 183! 189 

is the favorite system of government, among the majority of the people 
of Brazil. 

The proclamation of abdication, has been read to the Soldiers and the 
people, as M- Gomez tells me; and was received with acclamation Vivas 
shouted for Pedro the second at the moment. All acclamation then ceased; 
but an extraordinary salute of cannon was heard from the Campo, about 
half past one. M- Gomez says, the Deputies now here, have formed them- 
selves into a Junta, or committee extraordinary, and I presume the people 
look to their direction. Whatever temporary form of governments or 
whatever permanent, may be formed for this country, I am induced to be- 
lieve that the sceptre of Brazil is no more to be swayed, unless nominally for 
a time, by a Prince of the House of Braganza. 

I am able to inform you that the consultation at the Nuncio's resulted in 
the conclusion that the corps diplomatique should wait on the Ex Emperor 
in a body and the reason assigned is to inquire of him, in person, whither 
[whether?] he has really abdicated. Notice of this was given me by the Dutch 
Charg6 d'affaires. As this appeared to me a formality quite superfluous, for 
the ostensible object of acquiring that knowledge, as I did not think the 
formality a proper measure, on any account, personal or political, they have 
gone on board the admiral [Augusta?] without me. The pretext not satis- 
fying me, I suspect there is more in the step than is professed ; and that these 
Representatives of Monarchs mean it, in fact, for a public and political 
demonstration. 

The Columbian also staid away. 

I have the honor to [etc.]. 

499 

Ethan A. Brown, United States Clnargi d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Edward 
Livingston, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 14 Rio DE JANEIRO, October 12, 1831. 

Sir: ... The next day after I received your dispatch, 2 I waited on the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, and presented my new letter of Credence I 
thought proper to add that I had the satisfaction of the President's approba- 
tion for pursuing the conduct I had observed on the 7*? 1 of April. 3 The Min- 
ister was evidently pleased, to receive the letter; which is the first personal 
recognition of the Government in the name of Dom Pedro II, that has been 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 8. 

The omitted portions discuss the formation of a constitution and its proposed similarities 
to that of the United States. 

2 Instruction No. n, dated June 16, 1831, above, pt. m, doc. 453. ^ 

3 See his despatch of that date, above, this part, doc. 497. Its receipt was acknowledged 
in the instruction of June 16, and his conduct commended. 



IQO PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

received from a foreign state or power, except a compliment from the House 
to Senate. He expressed his gratification replied in obliging terms to so 
much as related to myself, personally, and in particular reference to the 7*? 
of April, observed by conduct was American. . . . 

In the Legislature the institutions of the United States are generally 
quoted with approbation; and among the people the citizens of our country 
continue the decided favorites, I beg leave to refer you to the speech of M ? 
May, in which he deduces the unfriendliness of the European Powers, from 
the note of the Apostolic and other Diplomates, on the 7^ of April; and 
contrasts their behaviour with that of the American Ministers. ' Debate 
of the io* h of September, published in the Correio da Camara dos Deputa- 
dos'; The people now contrast the American deportment with that of the 
British, in a manner very unfavorable to the latter; whose naval force, in this 
port, has lately given them great offence. You will find a correspondence, 
among the papers l transmitted, between the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
and the British Charge, concerning the affair alluded to, in which W. Aston 
attempts to put the Brazilians in the wrong. The common statement is 
more probable. The Brazilian public boat is an unwieldy vessel ; the Man 
of War's boat very manageable, from its construction, and always manned 
by a competent number of expert oarsmen. I have no doubt the shock of 
contact could have been easily avoided, if the British had condescended, as 
any other people would have done, to yield a little space. It is said they 
attacked the other boatmen, in revenge, and beat them cruelly with their 
oars; on sight of which, the commander of the fort dispatched a boat and 
took the combattants into custody; handling the British pretty roughly. 
The armed launches, barges &c, of the British then made a menacing 
demonstration, as if intending a descent upon the city. The circumstance 
would have deserved less attention, but for the indignation it excited; and 
its having become the subject of an official correspondence. The British 
keep guns mounted on some of their boats, constantly; and I have ground for 
believing that they and the French have orders to watch over the safety of 
the young Imperial family. . . . 

I have the honor [etc.]. 

500 

Ethan A. Brown, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Edward 
Livingston, Secretary of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 17 Rio DE JANEIRO, November 14, 1831. 

SIR: I have the honor of enclosing to you a paper, handed to me by M- 
Wright, our Consul, relating to the seizure of three vessels, at the Falkland 
1 Not found with the despatch. 2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 8. 



T ^DOCUMENT 500: NOVEMBER 14, 183! IQI 

Islands, by the l^riter of the same; who, in some of the papers therein re- 
ferred to, and wfiich W. Wright will transmit to your Department, styles 
himself Military and Civil Governor of those Islands and the Adjacencies, 
under the authority of Buenos Ayres. 1 Among the papers shewn to me by 
M- Wright, there is one, printed, purporting to be a decree of that Govern- 
ment, for establishing its authority in those Islands &c; and carrying into 
effect the Regulations in regard to the fishery. To which is added the said 
Governor's proclamation, warning masters of vessels not to trespass. 

This is the first, and the only information I have had of the aforesaid 
occupation and establishment at the Falkland Islands. You, Sir I will see 
what authenticity it has. It is certain, however, that this Lewis Vernet has 
seized these vessels, on accusation of having infringed these pretended Regu- 
lations. One ves.sel, it seems, escaped, and the other two are expected to take 
their trial at Buenos Ayres; to which place, I intend to write, by the first 
opportunity, for exact intelligence concerning the authority said to have 
been there given for occupying and governing the Islands; and concerning 
the Regulations referred to ; as well as the commission of Vernet. In the 
mean time, I communicate the inclosed, in addition to what you will receive 
from M ? Wright. . . . 2 

I have the honor [etc.]. 

1 The paper referred to, which is undated, apparently a signed original, follows: 

To the American Consulate at Rio de Janeiro 

Having in the exercise of my public employment seized the Schooners Harriet Captain 
Davison of Stonington, the Breakwater Dan! Carew Master of Do. and the Superior 
Cap* Cpngar of New York for transgressing the laws of the Republic of Buenos Ayres, 
by Sealing among these Islands, and adjacencies, contrary to a timely warning that had 
been given them; The Superior obtained permission to go to the west coast of South 
America under bonds to return, the Breakwater escaped, her Mate having rose upon 
and subdued the guards, and the Harriet is about to be sent to Buenos Ayres to stand 
her trial. And several of the crews having obtained permissions from their captains to 
go home, many of them go passenger in the English Brig Elbe Cap* Burt for your place, 
whence they hope to get assistance from you to get home, and to state to you that I have 
every reason to believe that the crews of said vessels were ignorant of the prohibition, 
when they left America (the owners and masters of the vessel knew it well) is the object 
of addressing you privately these few lines, hoping that you may perhaps consider them 
entitled to your assistance. 

I further take the liberty of requesting you to forward p- first good opportunity to the 
United States the enclosed letter; it is left open for you to read if you should wish to 
know a few particulars, (and request you will seal it). 

The passports will shew you the persons alluded to, though several of them have 
stopped here, and their names remained in the passport. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 
P. S. 

I beg leave to repeat that my present communications are private. You will there- 
fore please to consider this letter as a letter from one Merchant to another and conse- 
quently entirely confidential. As a Merchant or as a private individual I possess here 
landed property and priyiledges of the fisheries in benefit of the colony founded at my 
expence, and in my public character I have nothing of the kind. 

Vernet. 

2 The omitted portions report that a bill to abolish the slave trade had passed the Senate. 
For many additional documents concerning the Falkland Islands, see vol. i, relating to 
Argentina. 



192 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

501 

Ethan A. Brown, United States Charge d j Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Edward 
Livingston, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 18 Rio DE JANEIRO, November 30, 1831. 

SIR: . . . Among the newspapers forwarded, you may find some particu- 
lars of the insurrections at Para and at Maranhao ; where the troops and 
populace, tho' in one place opposed to those in the other, were more success- 
ful than at Bahia; and have prescribed to the authorities of Government in 
each. My intelligence relative to those occurrences, amounts to no more 
than what is furnished by the news-papers. 

Joao Baptista Gongalvez Campos, Vice President of Para (styled 'arci- 
prest6',) had, it seems for some time, been obnoxious to a party in that city 
and province; and reports, sometime ago, represented the conduct of his 
partisans in different quarters, in an odious light; as attempting to increase 
their numbers, not by persuasion only, but by intimidation. Their oppo- 
nents said they were dispersed in small bodies in various parts of the prov- 
ince; and accused them of some cruelties; and of abusing the name of 
liberty, for the purpose of oppression; but the distinctive objects of the 
party, which they charged the Vice President with leading, they did not then 
clearly explain. 

The President, Visconde de Goianna, was appointed to that station by the 
present Brazilian Government. He was not kindly received, at least by the 
party that has lately prevailed; who appear to have considered him friendly 
to the Vice-President. This party is said to consist of Portuguese, and of 
those excited by persons of that nation, they are, at least, so denounced in 
Para and Maranhao. The accounts published state that on the 7*. 11 of 
August, the several deputations of the people and of the troops presented 
concurrent requisitions to the President in Council, at an extraordinary 
session, exacting the arrest and banishment of the 'Arcipreste' above- 
mentioned, and of several others named in a list presented. The Speaker of 
the military deputation represented, in addition, that he had heard the 
commandants of the corps say, in presence of the Committee, that the Presi- 
dent must resign; and that the troops required it. These demands were 
complied with. 

These events in Para, if they did not cause, at least accelerated the insur- 
rectionary movement in Maranhao. In the morning of the I3*. h of Septem- 
ber, the troops, in arms, supported by some of the population, also armed, 
laid before the President and his council a representation requiring, i , the 
expulsion of all Portuguese and of all adopted Brazilians from the military 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 8. 

The omitted portion relates to the law for the abolition of the slave trade. 



DOCUMENT 502: JANUARY 17, 1832 193 

posts of the I, & 2, lines of the army, 2, that the functions of a considerably 
[sic] number of Magistrates (named) should be suspended, 3, that all adopted 
Brazilians, without exception, be expelled from civil employments in the 
revenue, and justice, 4, the banishment of sundry persons designated, 
among whom were seven monks of the convent of S. Antonio, 5, that the 
Government cause every Portuguese House to be searched, for arms; and the 
weapons found to be taken away, 6, that thereafter no 'sons of Portugal' be 
suffered to land in the Province; laborers (industriosos,) and artisans (art- 
istas) excepted, 7, that the meeting there assembled should never be held 
criminal; and protesting not to lay down their arms, till these articles, 
(which they considered to be called for by public opinion) should be complied 
with. A compliance was the consequence. . . . 
I have the honor [etc.]. 



502 

Ethan A. Brown, United States Charge d* Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Edward 
Livingston, Secretary of State of the United States l 

No. 21 Rio DE JANEIRO, January 17, 1832. 

SIR: Since my last dispatch 2 was closed, a private letter, in which I place 
confidence, dated on the 25*!* of last month, has been received here from 
Buenos Ayres, of which I have the honor to transmit you the following 
extract. 

The affair of the captures at the Falkland Islands, assumes a much more serious 
aspect here than we had supposed at Rio. I found Captain Duncan here, as also 
Governor Vernet, who arrived about the same time in the Harriett, one of the captured 
vessels. Capt. Duncan and M? Slacum were in quite a heated correspondence with the 
Government on this question, the latter protesting formally against the seizures and 
against "any measure whatever on the part of this Gov* or those under its authority, 
having for object, or any tendency, to interrupt American vessels in the exercise of the 
right of fishing at those Islands or on the coast as far as Cape Horn" the former^ de- 
manding of the Government the person of the Governor, to be carried to the United 
States as a pirate, or to be tried by the laws of the country as such." "In regard to the 
Protest, the Government has refused to admit it on the grounds, firstly, that W. S. is 
not, as a mere consul, authorised or qualified to make it in the name of his Government; 
his functions being of a different and a limited nature Secondly, that the United 
States having no right themselves to the dominion of those islands cannot oppose the 
right to occupy them, in this Republic; and, this right admitted, with still less right ^can 
they dispute that of making the fisheries there a property. ' ' [Here follow some questions 
relative to any provisions or regulations of our Government for the guidance of consuls 
in such fortuitous circumstances, or rule in modern diplomacy applicable to such an 
emergency, in intergovernmental communication] 

As to the view Capt. Duncan takes of the proceedings of Governor Vernet, when he 
stamps them in his own mind with the character of piracy Not only does he deny the 
right of the Governor to interrupt, or of this Government to prohibit the seal fishing so 
long practised there by our citizens but the anomalous proceedings of Vernet in taking 
property from the vessels, part of which he caused to be sold at public auction, and part 
he appropriated to his own use, as he did also the vessels, before adjudication by a 
proper tribunal he looks upon as a most outrageous contempt and violation of right 
and law. 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 8. 2 Not included in the present publication. 



194 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

To the first communication of the Consul, requiring of the Government a categorical 
answer to the question, whether it avowed or disavowed its sanction and protection to 
Yernet and his acts, only an evasive and temporising reply could be obtained, referring 
the affair to the tribunals and Captain Duncan having demanded that^the property, 
as well as the individuals dispossessed of it, should be placed in the condition in which it 
was prior to the captures; and receiving no answer from the Government, sailed hence on 
the 9^ instant with the ostensible purpose of protecting our vessels against further 
captures at those Islands tho' it is generally believed it is to make recaptures, and even 



reprisals. . . . 
With very great respect [etc.]. 



503 



Ethan A. Brown, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Edward 
Livingston, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 24 Rio DE JANEIRO, March 27, 1832. 

SIR: ... The President will be informed in detail of Captain Duncan's 
expedition to the Malvinas, or Falkland Islands, and its attendant & conse- 
quent circumstances up to this time, by Reports of the Naval Officers to the 
Secretary of that department; and a history of what I know [of?] it, is not 
necessary for me to relate. 

Commodore Rodgers has applied to me for advice in relation to the prison- 
ers whom Captain Duncan brought off ; and whose conduct he had considered 
piratical. Not supposing the matter to be strictly within my cognizance, I 
only ventured to give a private opinion on the first representation we had 
that the proper destination of the prisoners was to the U. States. Subse- 
quent advices communicated by Slacurn to Captain Duncan impart that the 
Buenos Ayrean Government at length acknowledges Vernet as its political 
and military Governor of the Falkland Islands, an avowal which they had 
evaded before the departure of the Lexington from Buenos Ay res. The com- 
munication states that the Government claims the men [were?] made prisoners 
by Captain Duncan. The Commodore resolves in consequence of the change 
which this intelligence seems to put on the face of the affair, to sail for the 
River La Plata tomorrow intending to give up the prisoners if M- Baylies 
should not be there, and claim the merit of the surrender, if he should find no 
reason to change his opinion after his arrival and communication with M- 
Slacum. I have told the Commodore that I think the prisoners will ulti- 
mately have to be given up, that government having acknowledged Ver- 
net's commission, and made itself responsible for his conduct under it ; but as 
the disposal of these men may have some effect upon M ? Baylies' mission, I 
thought it very desirable that he should arrive before their discharge, 
That as for the rest, keeping the reception & negociations of M r Baylies in 
view, and adopting such measures as should in his discretion appear favorable 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 8. 



DOCUMENT 504: AUGUST I, 1832 195 

to both, he would probably do well to discover if possible, from M- Slacum's 
experience and his own observation, what effect the liberation of the prisoners 
would be likely to produce, whether it would smooth the way for M r 
Baylies, or swell their arrogance and persuade them that U. States consider 
their title good to the Malvinas? I further observed to the Commodore that 
these men in custody were of comparatively little importance since the escape 
of Vernet not enough to stand in the way of accommodation: but the man- 
ner of the suspension of M r Slacum's consular functions would give him a 
good excuse for demurring to their immediate liberation, unless M- Slacum 
should be reinstated. 

The Commodore will take his whole squadron to the River. I am anxious 
for M ? Baylies' presence there; not that I distrust the Commodore's pru- 
dence, but because a diplomatic character seems necessary there at present. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 



504 

Ethan A . Brown, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Edward 
Livingston, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 31 Rio DE JANEIRO, August r, 1832. 

SIR: . . . There are some who apprehend that Dn Pedro I 9 may attempt 
to regain the Throne of Brazil. It does not seem to me at all probable, that 
he would undertake a scheme so desperate. He is however capable of con- 
duct which the French would call 'tres inconsequent/ I thus apprehend that 
provinces will fall off; and the Empire; if not dissolved, suffer a dismember- 
ment of some parts. I conceive this, and a federation, to be more likely. 
As yet, I must suspend an opinion, and only mention others' surmises, of the 
future; one of which is, that the Regency will be reinstated, with increased 
power; albeit it is thought that a majority of the Senate is opposed to them; 
some on political, and some on personal ground Another is, that their 
resignation is a ruse, to strengthen the Executive relying on their ma- 
jority in the Chamber of Deputies. The crisis has not yet produced any 
popular tumult; the Juizes de Paz, however, ordered out the National 
Guard, by way of precaution. The time seems pregnant with important 
consequences. I shall watch the movements; and keep you informed, by 
every opportunity, of the important occurrences that may come to my 
knowledge. . . . 

I am also informed that the last letters received in this City from B 9 
Ayres, state that several notes had been interchanged between M* Baylies 

Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9. 

Omitted portions speak of the disorganization of the Brazilian executive, and report 
news of a revolution in Montevideo. 



196 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

and the Government, in which the latter evade the principal subject; and 
strive to turn the discussion on minor objects; such as Vernet's conduct. 
It is also stated that the application of Mr. Baylies, to have M- Slacum 
restored to the exercise of his consular functions, had not been answered, at 
the date of the advice above mentioned. I have not received a line from 
M- Baylies since he left this port. 
I have the honor [etc.]. 

505 

Ethan A. Brown, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Edward 
Livingston, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 42 Rio DE JANEIRO, January 18, 1833. 

SIR: . . . I suspect that the Government is not without apprehensions of 
continued attempts by the partizans of a restoration, to keep the public mind 
uneasy; but I do not hear from any good authority, that those who wish for 
the late Emperor's reestablishment, (who are allowed to be more numerous in 
this than in any other province,) have yet shewn themselves formidable in 
numbers, talents, or influence. The Journalists on that side do not evince . 
much ability, and are, almost exclusively confined to this City. Commodore 
Woolsey who arrived here on the 6 th of this month, by way of Pernambuco 
and Bahia, tells me that the citizens of the former place are not free from 
fears of repeated hostilities and fresh commotions, in the province; but that 
no party appears for D. Pedro i 9 in that quarter. The Commodore was 
informed that three parties divide Bahia ; one for the actual Government, 
one more republican, or federal, and one for restoration of D. Pedro I 9 . I 
have no reason to doubt that the first is much strongest. . . . 

I have the honor [etc.]. 



506 

Ethan A. Brown, United States Charge d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Edward 
Livingston, Secretary of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 46 Rio DE JANEIRO, May 6, 1833. 

SIR: ... Notwithstanding that the elections for the next assembly, 
whose first session will be in 1834, have generally resulted, so far as known, in 
favor of the administration, inquietude and alarm exist in several points of 
the Empire. 

* Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9. * Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9. 



DOCUMENT 507: JUNE 7, 1833 197 

In some of the Northern provinces, particularly in Pernambuco and Ceara 
very serious disturbances, by all accounts, are apprehended. . . . Armed 
bands occupy some ports and places, where they defend themselves when 
attacked, and whence they sally to obtain provisions, and carry terror among 
the peaceably disposed. . . . Previous to the last fighting of which we have 
any relation, the insurgents being summoned to surrender, a correspondence 
took place, in which their commander, appealing to Christianity against 
shedding blood, avowed they were assembled in favor of D. Pedro I 9 . He 
was attacked and his party dispersed, without much loss, on either side, I have 
not heard of any other collection of men in arms, proclaiming themselves for 
the late Emperor, since the surrender of Peri to Madeira. . . . 

I have the honor [etc.]. 



507 

Ethan A . Brown, United States Charge d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Edward 
Livingston, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 47 Rio DE JANEIRO, June 7, 1833. 

SIR: . . . M ? Bond has, probably given you better information of the 
State of affairs on both sides of the River Plate, than any in my possession. 
That gentleman may have some knowledge whether there be any foundation 
for the notion that Lavalleja is countenanced by the Government of Buenos 
Ayres. I presume you were, long since, apprised that numbers of Lavalleja's 
partisans retreated, before Fructuoso, into the Brazilian Territory ; which gave 
rise [to] a correspondence between the Oriental and Brazilian Authorities, 
on that frontier; which I had believed terminated in a good understanding. 
It has however been reported that Fructuoso, or his troops have tres- 
passed upon the territory of the neighbouring province; and being straight- 
ened for means, have made free with some cattle. The Relatorio of the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs alludes, but not explicitly, to some difficulty in 
that quarter; and submits the subject to the Legislature. The Chamber of 
Deputies held a secret session, on the I s .* instant, in which, I am assured, 
from pretty good authority, the subject was taken into consideration: but 
whether it determined on any thing, I have not learnt. It has been said, 
that among those in the Estado Oriental opposed to the present Government, 
there are some desirous of annexing that State to the Empire; and that they 
are favored by the President of Rio Grande. I have no certain Authority 
for expressing a conjecture upon this surmise, 2 NOR WHETHER THE REGENCY 

FAVOR SUCH NEWS, BUT PRESUME THEY WOULD LIKE THE ACCESSION 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9. 

2 The portion of this document, printed in small capital letters, reached the Department 
in code. 



198 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

The accounts that come in, of the last Election, continue to shew a great 
increase of strength in the next assembly to the present Majority in the 
Chamber of Deputies; and, of course, a proportion [al?] diminution of force, 
on the side of the opposition to the present Government. I have not hereto- 
fore seen cause to believe that the partisans of a restoration were either very 
numerous or influential. 

The City and Province of Rio de Janeiro has always been admitted to 
contain a much larger proportion of D. Pedro's adherents than any other 
part of the Empire; but at the last election, all the Deputies chosen for the 
Province are friends to the Government; altho' the majority in the City was 
opposed to the Election; and averse to the Administration. It may, more- 
over, be supposed that the persons, now in power, may not find favor with 
some, who are no friends to D . Pedro's return . Nevertheless, the Minister of 
Foreign Affairs, this very day, and since I commenced writing these sheets, 
has delivered the Message contained in the inclosed Diario do Governo; an- 
nouncing the apprehension of the Regency, that the Restoration is pro- 
jected. I forward the paper without comment; but shall not fail to advise 
you, by the earliest opportunities of what I may learn, of importance, con- 
cerning this matter. . . . 

I have the honor [etc.]. 
P. S. June 8. 

I have the honor to transmit the Copy, marked Q, of a Note dated yesterday, 
which I have just received from the Minister of For. Affairs, 1 inclosing a 
printed copy of the Message, concerning D. Pedro's apprehended return. 
Also of a notice (R) that Diplomatic correspondence with Moreira had 
ceased; and his exequatur, as Consul General of Dona Maria been annulled. 2 



508 

Benio da Silva Lisboa? Minister of Foreign Affairs of Brazil, to Ethan A. 
Brown, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro 4 

Rio DE JANEIRO, June 7, 1833. 

The undersigned (member) of the Council of His Imperial Majesty, Minis- 
ter and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, makes haste to transmit to 
Mr. Ethan A. Brown, Charg6 d'Aifaires of the United States of America, the 



* For this note of June 7, 1833, from the Foreign Minister, see below, this part, doc. 508. 
2 For this notice, which bore the same date as this postscript, June 8, 1833, see below, this 

part, doc. 509. 

8 In subsequent correspondence in this volume, Bento da Silva Lisboa bears the title of 
Barao de Cayru. 

* Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9, enclosed with Brown to the Secretary of State, No. 47, above, 
this part, doc. 507. The enclosed printed message has not been included in the present pub- 
lication; it reported intimations received from the Brazilian diplomatic representatives in 
Europe that a project existed for the restoration of Pedro L 



DOCUMENT 509: JUNE 8, 1833 199 

enclosed copy of a message, which, by order of the Regency, in the name of 
the Emperor, he had the honor to present to-day to the Legislative Body, and 
hopes that Mr. Brown will not fail to inform his Government of the serious 
matter which forms the subject of the said message. 

The undersigned believes that he would offend the susceptibility of the 
Government of the United States by dwelling upon his firm conviction that 
any attempts at Restoration, far from meeting with the slightest support on 
the part of the Washington Administration, would inevitably be repulsed 
with that firmness and effectiveness which is assured to the Imperial Govern- 
ment by the friendly relations which exist between the two nations and, in no 
less a degree, the well known good faith which characterizes the decisions of 
the enlightened Government of the United States, the perfect understanding 
shown, and the mutual interests of the two countries. 

The undersigned, having thus complied with the orders which he received 
from the Regency in the name of the Emperor, avails himself [etc.]. 



509 

Bento da Silva Lisboa, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Brazil, to Ethan A. 
Brown, United States Charge d y Affaires at Rio de Janeiro x 

Rio DE JANEIRO, June 8, 1833. 

The undersigned (member) of the Council of His Imperial Majesty the 
Emperor, Minister and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, has the 
honor to inform Mr. Ethan A. Brown, Charge d'Affaires of the United 
States of America, that the Regency, in the name of the said Sovereign, on 
account of very weighty reasons which had been submitted to him, has seen 
fit to order that all diplomatic correspondence with^oao Baptiste Moreira, 
who served in the capacity of Charge d'Affaires of Her Most Faithful Maj- 
esty, the Queen Dona Maria the Second, shall cease, and that the exequator 
which was granted him as Consul General shall be revoked. 

The undersigned avails himself [etc.]. 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9, enclosed with Brown to the Secretary of State, No. 47, above, 
this part, doc. 507. 



200 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

510 

Ethan A. Brown, United States Charge d* Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Edward 
Livingston, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 49 Rio DE JANBIRO, June 25, 1833. 

SIR: . . . The Legislature asked for the communications from abroad, on 
which the Regency had founded their apprehensions of the return of the late 
Emperor. Their contents have not been made public. A committee of the 
Senate, of which the Visconde de Cayru, father of the Minister of Foreign 
Affairs was a member, has treated the apprehension as vain ; and tho' profess- 
ing great loyalty to D. Pedro II. do not recommend placing extraordinary 
means at the disposal of the Executives. The Chamber of Deputies have 
held some secret sessions, on the subject; I hear of nothing important trans- 
piring from their conclave. 

In my first interview with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, after he had 
delivered the Message, I surmised from his expressions that he entertained no 
conviction of a plan having been actually decided on, for replacing D. 
Pedro on the throne. On the 20^ I saw him again, when he talked pretty 
freely of the Ex-Emperor, his partizans, and those ambitious individuals who 
only wished to discredit the present administration, and profit by its embar- 
rassment; and hinted a suspicion that the departure of Antonio Carlos de 
Andrada, a few weeks since, for Europe, might have some connexion with the 
plot. He read a passage from a British periodical, giving a biographical 
sketch of S [D?]. Pedro, very unfavorable to the subject of it; and remarked, 
it was evidently written by a Miguelist, but true in every important particu- 
lar. He then took up a sheet of debates in 1831, and read part of a speech 
of Martin Francisco de Andrada's about a Luso Hespano plot of certain 
conspirators, to place D. Pedro on the throne of United Spain and Portugal, 
and reconquer America, the orator countenancing the idea, that, mad as the 
project might be, D. Pedro was blockhead enough to be led into it. 

The Minister ascribed his fears of an attempt at restoration to the charac- 
ter of D. Pedro, and of those men of disappointed ambition, despearate 
fortunes, and in needy circumstances, who surround and have influence over 
him, to the tone of the opposition papers, and the behavior of disappointed 
and discontented persons here, with whom D. Pedro keeps up a correspond- 
ence, and in whom he places a mistaken confidence. Concluding, from the 
information received, the known influence of flatterers, and the folly of D. 
Pedro, whose instability of character made him capable of being led into 
strange acts by them, his return, in order to obtain power in Brazil, was one 
of those fortuities too probable for precaution to be dispensed with. The 
Minister further observed that the facility with which he had been drawn by 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9. 



DOCUMENT 511 : JULY 13, 1833 2OI 

the Portuguese Emigrants, into so wild a project as the conquest of Portugal 
with his means, against the wishes of the people, nobility, and Clergy was a 
proof of want of judgment, in his ambition. To my inquiry respecting the 
pecuniary means for the first movements in such an expedition? he replied 
by saying he should not be surprised if he found some money for the object 
in Portugal : where ignorance and superstition were still so prevalent that, 
astonishing as it might be to strangers, numbers still firmly expected the 
return of Dom Sebastian. The Minister remarked that the Message must 
draw from the Ex-Emperor an avowing or disclaiming Manifesto. 
I have the honor [etc.]. 



511 

Ethan A. Brown, United States Charge d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Edward 

Livingston, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACT] 

No. 50 Rio DE JANEIRO, July 13, 1833. 

SIR: . . . You will find, Sir, in the Aurora, of the 21 of last month, the 
substance of the Report on the Message, by the Committee of the Senate. 
On the question whether they should agree to the same, the Senate was said 
to be equally divided; and a reconsideration was expected. I have not heard 
that the subject has been resumed by them. Padre Feijo, whose seat among 
them they refused, on the ground of irregularity in the election, has been 
again returned; and has passed from the other House to the 'Camara 
Vitalicia'; where his vote with [will?] give a preponderance, in favor of the 
Administration, upon a new trial. The State of the votes in the Chamber 
of Deputies, published in Correio of yesterday shews the majority the 
Administration has there, on this subject; yet it may be more a proof of the 
strength of parties, there, and of the intentions of the Majority to discourage 
the friends of the Ex-Monarch ; and other discontented ambitious individuals, 
(who are, of course, bitterly opposed to the present Executive,) from keeping 
up a troublesome excitement respecting his return, than evidence that all 
this majority are convinced of a plan of restoration having been decided on: 
altho' they may believe it has been agitated; and that D. Pedro is capable 
of undertaking it, if he had means to commence the Enterprise. 

Altho', Sir! it may be more my business to communicate to you facts than 
my opinions, or rather my conjectures, I presume upon your indulgence 
in expressing my belief that the Regents and Ministers have inferred, from 
what has been communicated from Europe, and, from occurrences and 
publications, in Brazil, particularly in Rio de Janeiro, that the hope of the 
restoration has been seriously indulged, and the question really discussed 
by the partisans of D. Pedro, here and there, and correspondence, in relation 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9. 



2O2 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

to it, carried on across the Atlantic; but I am not altogether prepared to 
reject the opinion entertained by some who would view the restoration as a 
great evil, that the Government's objects were not limited to measures of 
prevention in that respect; but that the Message was meant as a stroke of 
policy, to increase its Executive power, and confirm its influence. Events 
must shew whether the step were wise or injudicious, which, at present seems 
rather doubtfull. 

All that I know of the April events at Pari is contained in the papers now 
forwarded; and that information is all from one side. The sum of it is, that 
when the approach of Mariani and Vasconcellos, to take the Presidency and 
the Military command, was announced, the Portuguese party, and others 
involved in what is called the sedition of August extremely hostile to the 
dominant party, and to the President Machado, and the Military com- 
mandant Seara, and probably hoping to ingratiate themselves with the new 
appointed authorities, and gain an ascendancy by attracting favor to their 
party, made such a shew of rejoicing at the intelligence that the President 
and Commandant were to be superseded, as to excite in their adversaries a 
suspicion of intelligence between the new nominees and the obnoxious party; 
which was confirmed by the latter taking arms, fortifying themselves in 
certain houses and sending an address to Mariani and Vasconcellos, when 
they arrived; defying their opponents. 

In consequence of these demonstrations, Machado and Seara, (whether 
with their connivance or not seems uncertain,) were called upon to retain 
their places; and bloody hostilities commenced, disastrous to the Portuguese 
party; fifty of whom were killed. Machado and Seara yielded to the wish 
of the people, and Mariani and Vasconcellos, who had not landed, departed. 
The place is said to have been quiet afterwards. No remarks of mine will 
be necessary to assist your conclusions concerning the power and influence 
of the Government, in the Province, nor respecting the disposition of the 
dominant party to manage their political affairs in their own way or follow 
the lead of Chiefs of their own approbation. There is no indication that the 
party, at present prevailing at Pard, including the Federal Society that 
figures in these papers, is friendly to the late Emperor. The presumption 
is quite the reverse; the Portuguese being, most generally, attached to him, 
and averse to free Government. 

Nothing definitive has been done towards curing the vice of the currency. 
It is probable that wise measures for this, for establishing public credit, 
and for reforming the Judiciary, would give the Regency greater power to 
resist a restoration, and prevent commotion and anarchy, than the proposed 
addition to the Military and Naval force; the expense of which, in their 
present state, they can but ill bear, during the actual condition of the Bra- 
zilian finances. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 



DOCUMENT 513: NOVEMBER 5, 1833 203 

512 

Ethan A, Brown, United States Charge d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Louis 
McLane, Secretary of State of the United States x 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 54 Rio DE JANEIRO, September 28, 1833. 

SIR: ... In the newspapers forwarded three days ago, and in those 
transmitted by this opportunity, will be found an account of an alarm caused 
by a report that the Government was about to remove the young Emperor 
& his sisters, in a man of war from this City, (where his father's friends are 
most numerous,) to the Province of S* Paul. From what I can learn, I 
conclude that the ground of the alarm, which indeed appears to have been 
but partial, was intirely factitious. The Tutor, Jose Bonifacio de Andrada, 
like his brothers, is known not to be on good terms with the Government; 
but whether conniving with the agitators, or imposed on by them, I cannot 
yet venture to decide. He says he had credible information that a couple of 
political clubs had plotted to get possession of his Wards. His brother 
Antonio Carlos, went to Europe, some months since, suspected of intention 
to use his influence in persuading the Ex-Emperor to re-appear in Brazil, 
either to reclaim the Crown or to protect his son. The Government treats 
all the pretexts that tended to disturb the peace on the night of the 21 s * as 
ridiculous; and has suspended five Justices of the Peace, at once, for their 
conduct on the occasion. It does not appear to me improbable that some 
persons hoped to produce commotion in the City, of which they might give 
their own coloring to D. Pedro in Portugal, by some vessels about to depart 
for that Country. ... 

I have the honor [etc.]. 

513 

Ethan A . Brown, United States Charge d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Louis 
McLane, Secretary of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 56 Rio DE JANEIRO, November 5, i<?jj. 

SIR: ... I have no very recent information of renewed alarms in the 
Northern Provinces, from the disorderly parties that have infested some 
parts of them, Official reports, in general mention peace and order in various 
parts of the Empire, and numerous addresses to the Government express a 
determination to oppose the restoration of the Ex-Emperor, whose defensive 
posture, by the last accounts, raises doubts whether he can maintain his 
occupation of Lisbon: and causes some anxious speculation, among those to 
whom he is odious, about the manner in which he will dispose of himself and 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9. 2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9. 



2O4 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

his mercenaries, if driven from Portugal. There is no information received 
here of his having seen the Message of the Regency, respecting his intention 
to meddle again with the Government of Brazil. The English and French 
papers comment on that document, and on the arrival of Antonio Carlos 
d'Andrada in Europe. I suspect the Administration not [to?] be quite easy 
yet, about Dom Pedro's ulterior designs. I called, a few evenings since in a 
sociable way, upon Sn r Lisboa, when the conversation turned upon our 
retiring from our present stations, after some compliments of course, 
reciprocated, he proceeded to intimate that the withdrawing of the United 
States' Charge, leaving the mission vacant, might have an inauspicious 
influence upon Brasilian politics, the Government having to meet the 
opposition of the restoration party, and others. I remarked in reply, that 
perhaps the President would have received my request, by this time; and 
if he should permit me to leave my place, I had no reason to suppose he would 
suffer it to be long vacant; or omit to name a new Charge d 'Affaires o the 
Senate, during the approaching Session of Congress. 
I have the honor [etc.]. 



514 

Ethan A. Brown, United States Charge d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Louis 
McLane, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 57 Rio DE JANEIRO, December 13, 1833. 

SIR: The Military Society, against which the populace seemed so highly 
incensed, is principally composed of Military Officers, whose situation, as 
such, was not bettered by the revolution of the j^ of April, of whom the 
greater part have been deprived of command and full pay, by the reduction 
of the Army. One pretext for the association is said to have been a prov- 
ident measure for relief of numbers in distress; but it is not doubted that 
this was merely ostensible, nor that the main object was political. It is 
believed that an understanding existed between them and Antonio Carlos 
d'Andrada, whose visit to Europe is generally thought to have been under- 
taken with a view of persuading D. Pedro to revisit this country. The 
Society does not appear to have much influence. 

Report speaks of some fermentation still working in the Province of Minas ; 
but the opposition to Government does not appear to be at all formidable. 
The people have been much irritated by the discharge of the leaders in the 
sedition at Ouro Preto, upon Habeas Corpus. . . . 

I have the honor [etc.]. 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9. 



DOCUMENT 516: DECEMBER 1 6, 1833 2O5 

515 

Bento da Silva Lisboa, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Brazil, to Ethan A. 
Brown, United States Charge d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro 1 



Rio DE JANEIRO, December 16, 
The undersigned (member) of the Council of His Majesty the Emperor, 
Minister and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in compliance with the 
orders which he received from the Regency in the name of that august 
Sovereign, has the honor to transmit to Mr. Ethan A. Brown, Charge 
d 'Affaires of the United States of America, a copy of the proclamation which 
the said Regency addressed to the Brazilian nation, setting forth the weighty 
reasons, which forced the Government to suspend the guardian of His 
Imperial Majesty and his august sisters and to appoint in his place the 
Marquis of Itanham, until the General Legislative Assembly makes a deci- 
sion to the contrary. 

This appointment of the Regency, which went to a distinguished Brazilian 
of recognized loyalty to monarchical-constitutional principles, who has, 
moreover, very worthily discharged the high duties of guardianship of His 
Imperial Majesty and of his august sisters, furnishes a convincing proof 
that the sole object of the Imperial Government, in the step which it has 
just taken, was to provide for the good of the nation, by protecting from 
injury the throne of the young Brazilian monarch, the firmest support of the 
greatness and prosperity of the Empire. 
The undersigned renews [etc.]. 



516 

Ethan A . Brown, United States Charge d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Bento da 
Silva Lisboa, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Brazil 2 

Rio DE JANEIRO, December 16, 1833. 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the Note of this date, 
addressed to me by the M; Ex. Sn r Bento da Silva Lisboa, of the Council of 
H. M. the Emperor, Minister and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 
inclosing a Proclamation of the Regency in the Name of the Emperor, 
aquainting the Brazilian Nation with the detection of a conspiracy against 
the Authorities and constitution of the Empire, and with the suspension of 
the Tutor, Doctor Jos Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva, and the nomination of 
the Marquis of Itanhaham [sic] as his substitute, near the persons of His 
Imperial Majesty, and his August Sisters. 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9, enclosed with Brown to the Secretary of State, No. 58, below, 
this part, doc. 517. 

2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9, enclosed with Brown to the Secretary of State, No. 58, below, 
this part, doc. 517. The proclamation, whose contents are here set forth, has not been in- 
cluded in this publication. 



206 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

The events announced cannot fail to be deeply interesting to the friends 
of Brazilian Independence, Liberty & Prosperity; and to those who feel a 
concern for the proper Education of the Imperial Family, H. Excy may be 
assured that no nation sympathises more strongly with Brazil, than the 
United States, in whatever may relate to the enjoyment of the blessings 
mentioned. This sentiment is but natural. 

The Sn- Minister of Foreign Affairs well knows, that the Government of 
the United States considers the internal polities of other Nations, as their 
own exclusive affair. Whatever may be my own sentiments or opinions 
relative to political dissentions that may agitate the Empire to whose 
Government I am accredited, my wish is to make my expressions, in regard 
to them, conform with the principles exposed in an extract from the Message 
of the President of the United States, which I had the honor to communicate 
to H. Excy in my Note of the io*. h of last June. 1 

On this, as on former occasions, I request [etc.]. 



517 

Ethan A. "Brown, United States Charge d? Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Louis 
McLane, Secretary of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 58 Rio DE JANEIRO, December 17, 1833. 

SIR: My dispatch N 9 57,* which I had prepared to send by the Falmouth, 
goes by this conveyance. Captain Gregory prevented my sending it to his 
ship, by insisting on calling, or sending an Officer, for it; which he failed to 
do. 

The inclosed proclamation appeared on Sunday, the I5*? 1 instant the 
day on which the Falmouth departed; and was formally communicated to 
me yesterday by a Note from the Minister. 4 It seemed to me necessary I 
should return some answer; but to frame that answer so as not evince in- 
difference to the notification, and, at the same time, to avoid masking, by my 
expressions, a predilection for one of the contending parties, (as my instruc- 
tions prescribe) was a little difficult for me, accustomed to treat these peo- 
ple very frankly and plainly. The answer, good or bad, has been sent, and I 
must submit to the judgment of the President and yourself, Sir! whether it 
be sufficiently diplomatical! 

I called yesterday, in hopes that the Sn- Lisboa would be so communica- 
tive as to impart some particulars of the pretended discoveries; but he was 

1 Not included in the present publication. 2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9. 

3 Above, this part, doc. 514. 

^ 4 Above, this part, doc. 515. The proclamation is not included in the present publication 
since its character is sufficiently revealed in the note and in the despatch. 



DOCUMENT 518: JANUARY 1 8, 1834 207 

engaged in conference at the Palace. The Commander Marquez Lisboa 
(Official Maior) told me the Minister had been roused on Saturday night by 
a summons to consultation on the circumstances just brought to the knowl- 
edge of the Government; and that the rest of the night and Sunday had been 
employed in taking measures for the occasion. I made some further in- 
quiries yesterday, but learnt no more, in addition, than that 15,000 cartridges 
had been found in the house of one, and 5,000 in that of another of the Offi- 
cers, members of that Military Society mentioned in my N ? 57, 1 and a 
rumor, for which the authority may be questionable, that the conspirators 
had intended to put arms into the hands of five hundred blacks, of the Nation 
called Minas, perhaps the most robust, active, and resolute, of the African 
race. Occupation at home, making Copies, and preparing this Communi- 
cation, in time, have hindered me from prosecuting my inquiries to day: so 
that the foregoing, and the contents of the inclosed paper give all the light 
that I can, at this moment, throw on the immediate discoveries that have 
caused these movements of the administration, which I believe has been long 
disposed to remove Jose Bonifacio from the Tutorship. . . . 
With very great respect [etc.]. 



518 

Ethan A. Brown, United States Charge d* Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Louis 
McLane, Secretary of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 59 Rio DE JANEIRO, January 18, 1834. 

SIR: . . . Sn- Barrozo is arrived here, and has been received as Consul 
General and Charge* d'Affaires of Donna Maria. I am compelled to defer any 
reflexions on the subject, and an anecdote I have just heard of her father, 
(marking a littleness in his avarice,) till another occasion. It seems Dom 
Pedro wrote to his son by Barrozo, exclaiming in indignant terms against 
those who dared to give out that he wished to become monarch of Brazil by 
dethroning its present Emperor. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 

i Above, this part, doc. 514. 2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9. 



208 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

519 

Ethan A. Brown, United States Chargi d* Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Louis 
McLane, Secretary of Slate of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 60 Rio BE JANEIRO, February 28, 1834. 

SIR: The return of M* Roberts to the U. States affords me an opportunity 
of transmitting this dispatch. Nothing very important, in the way of poli- 
tics, has occurred here since the 18^ of January, (the date of my last, N* 59) : 2 
but the state of the cases of the Schooners Frances & Adams, may give 
this communication some interest. 

I abstain from the reflexions which I proposed to have the honor of im- 
parting, upon the arrival of S- Barrozo, and his reception in the double 
capacity of Consul General and Charg< des affaires of Dona Maria, in order 
to give place to the remarks of the Minister Lisboa, when adverting to the 
circumstance, in the course of a free conversation. 

The Minister, having mentioned the recognition of D. Miguel by the 
United States inquired if I knew the position and circumstances in which 
M r Brent finds himself placed, by the events in Portugal? Upon my answer 
that I had no information on the subject, he took a view of the state of that 
Country, and of the contending parties, of Dom Miguel sustained by the 
great body of the people, and in possession of all the kingdom, but Lisbon 
and Oporto, with, perhaps, a few other unimportant points, and in menacing 
attitude ; and of Dom Pedro confined to places actually occupied by his for- 
eign troops, by whom he was, almost exclusively, supported ; the great Powers 
of Europe being divided, in their preference of the conflicting parties. 

Upon my remarking that the recognition of D. Miguel by the U. States 
was but a pursuance of a system long since adopted upon great and mature 
deliberation, he seemed to assent to its intire correctness; and, quite plainly, 
intimated his opinion that the Brazilian Government had been precipitate in 
its conduct towards the rival claimants of the Crown of Portugal, that there 
had been no necessity for its throwing the weight of its favor into the scale of 
either; and that the succession was, politically speaking, a matter of as much 
indifference to Brazil as to the United States, or any Nation on this side of 
the Atlantic; but having countenanced the pretensions of D. Pedro in the 
name of his daughter, it had not left itself perfectly free, like us, to choose the 
principle of acknowledging the Government defacto, which incurs no un- 
pleasant involvement nor consequences, should that Government become 
dispossessed of power. Such was the substance of the Minister's remarks; 
whence I drew the conclusion, that if it were a case of the first impression, the 
Imperial Government would keep aloof, and wait the issue of the Portuguese 
Conflict. 

* Despatches, Brazil, vol. 9. 2 Above, this part, doc. 518. 



DOCUMENT 519: FEBRUARY 28, 1834 2O.9 

The Minister who was in a communicative mood, and who usually talks to 
me on political subjects as to a friend of Brazil, proceeded to observe upon 
the folly, inconsiderateness and want of combination, and systematic 
policy that has marked the course of D. Pedro the ignorance, incapacity, 
selfishness, and intriguing spirit and habits of those who, flatterers and 
favorites here, surround him at Lisbon, and have his ear, in preference to 
abler men: from which he drew an unfavorable presage of the Ex- Emperor's 
fate; unless the intervention, direct or indirect, of France and England should 
change the face of affairs. 

The anecdote of the avarice of D. Pedro, to which I alluded at the close of 
my last dispatch, communicated to me by S- Lisboa in the same conversa- 
tion, amounts to this. The Ex- Emperor has sent for the carriages he left 
behind, which have served his children since his departure, leaving his son to 
furnish this part of his equipage for himself; but a meaner act is his claim to 
the personal property possessed in her life time, by his daughter Paula, who 
died a little more than a twelvemonth since, and his order that her jewels be 
sent to him. It might surprise those unacquainted with his character that 
he should think of depriving the two remaining little girls of the ornaments 
that had belonged to their deceased little sister. 

Since the close of the last General Assembly, the Administration has under- 
taken to banish some persons, (Portuguese,) two of whom were embarked, 
not many days since, as perturbators, and conspirators against the Govern- 
ment. Debts are said to be due in this city to one of them, amounting to 
one thousand Contos. He was formerly accused, at which time, some of his 
debtors were supposed to be his denouncers. It is not unlikely that such 
may be the case at present. The penalty is not confined to political offences. 
A young Portuguese has been sent off, for family causes. This arbitrary 
mode of deportation shews, rather too much, the working of the old leaven of 
despotic notions. Its advocates assign, among other reasons, a want of con- 
fidence in the Judiciary. The reputation of the Judges is very bad, in 
general, and some of them are believed to be bitterly opposed to the Regency, 
and to sigh for the restoration of the abdicated Emperor. 

You are aware, Sir! of the party denominated ' Portuguese*. A great 
Majority of the natives of Portugal, resident in Brazil, seem to be of that 
way of thinking. Men, for the most part, known in Europe by the distinc- 
tion of the lower order, illiterate and ignorant, who migrated with all the 
slavish veneration for Royalty that pervades that in the Country of their 
birth, and have imbibed few liberal notions in America; who made them- 
selves odious to the Brazilian party by their devotion to the late Emperor, in 
his unpopular course, and deplore his privation of the Crown and sceptre. 
Following the dictates of their political heresy, they have severely felt the 
effects of popular indignation in some instances, as at Pernambuco and Pard. 
Industrious and frugal, (qualities for which the natives of this country are 



210 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

not eminent,) many of them have grown rich, from the lowest beginnings, 
without becoming enlightened in proportion. 

Independent of the legality, the measure of removing the obnoxious Portu- 
guese from the country is of doubtful policy. For if, on the one hand, the 
dread of exile restrain their activity in politics, on the other it imparts a feel- 
ing of insecurity for their persons and property: and as they are, collectively, 
much the richest class of the population, a great deal of Capital is witheld 
from investments, that might be of great utility to the nation. It has been 
reported that the individual above mentioned was given to understand that 
his exile was to be but temporary. If this be true, the Government would 
seem to have in view the double object of keeping the Portuguese quiet, and 
of satisfying the public of its vigilance and energy. 

I have the honor [etc.], 

P. S. The award for the Frances is signed. 



520 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 17 Rio DE JANEIRO, March 28, 1835. 

SIR: . . . The church, which in catholic countries we are accustomed to 
regard as the most efficient instrument of good or harm, is apparently power- 
less. It is sustained neither by the love of the people, nor by the aid of the 
government. Its clergy are divided among themselves, and though daily 
exhibited as the pageants of the most insipid superstitions, are many of them 
dissolute in their lives, and some are even said to be propagators of the most 
infidel opinions. 

This state of things foreshows future and distressful conflict; but in no 
possible event does it mean a restoration to Portugal or the influence of its 
politics; for even the tory party here have no hankering after the Mother 
country, but on the contrary are proud and boastful of their independence. 
It would perhaps be better for the country if it were not so entirely relieved 
from the dread of foreign aggression. The pressure of a common danger 
would make it the better to cohere as one people. . . . 

In the mean while, with renewed assurances of high respect, [etc,], 
i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 10. 



DOCUMENT 522: OCTOBER 12, 1835 211 

521 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

No. 19 Rio DE JANEIRO, April 28, 2835. 

SIR: I think it not improbable that you have heretofore received or may 
receive by this opportunity from some orther hand the papers which accom- 
pany this despatch. They relate to a new state of things in Buenos Ayres 
which has created perhaps an undue impression, at any rate it has occasioned 
a sensation in the diplomatic circle here, which tho the matter relates to a 
concern beyond my juridiction I think it my duty to notice. 2 England has 
certainly been attempting new negotiations both with Monte Video and 
Buenos Ayres, as to the first, it is understood she has been foiled, and delayed 
as to the orther, we are diplomatically unrepresented in either of these 
Governments, and what the attempt of England may be as to commercial 
preferences vieling [veiling?] as she does all her movements under the philan- 
thopy [sic] of the suppression of the slave trade I do not know; butthese 
papers appear to be such as my government ought to be authentically in- 
formed of. I therefore forward them without any further comment. 

This note is written since closing my accompanying despatch N i8. 3 and 
I have been principally induced to write it by remarks that dropt in conver- 
sation this evening in a mixt brazilian and diplomatic parly. 

With great respect your obedient faithful servant. 



522 

William Hunter, United Stales Chargt d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 4 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 27 Rio DM JANEIRO, October 12, 1835. 

SIR: ... I found myself compelled to stop this communication here from 
the fear of conjecturing too much. . . . 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 10. 

2 The papers enclosed with this despatch consist of (r) translations of two addresses by 
President Rosas of Argentina, dated April 13, 1835, justifying his assumption of dictatorial 
powers following the discovery of an attempt to assassinate him, (2) a communication 
addressed to him on the same date in the name of the Diplomatic Corps, the British minister 
acting as spokesman, congratulating him and expressing pleasure at the change, and (3) 
Rosas's response, also of the same date, to the Diplomatic Corps. A translation of a per- 
tinent newspaper article in a Buenos Aires paper of April 14, 1835, and a biographical sketch 
of Rosas were also included. These papers were not included in this publication. 

8 Not copied since it contains nothing pertinent to the present publication. 

4 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 10. 

The body of the despatch, all of which is omitted, and most of the omitted portions of the 
very long postscript added three weeks later, discuss recent governmental changes, especially 
the beginning of Feijo's regency. 



212 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

So far as respects our own interests and concerns generally, I see no reason 
to apprehend prejudice as existing in the minds of the Regent, of Lisboa, or 
of the Marquis of Barbacena Foreign Affairs have been placed here from 
the beginning in an awkward position I * from the previous connexion with , 
and after hostility to Portugal 2 d From the influence of England, in several 
instances arrogantly exhibited 3 d from the blandishments of France to the 
Constitutional Representative Hereditary Family Monarch 4*. h From the 
surveillance of Austria as guardian of the grand-children of the late Emperor 
Francis 5*.* From the hopes and fears of the Pope as legal head of the 
church 6*. h From the neighbourhood of some of the Spanish Republics- 
vaulting as they do alternately from the despotism of a mob to that of a 
single military chief, with designs it is said, mutually entertained of founding 
a large oriental federal Republic, including several provinces of Brazil. 7*.* 
From the steady pursuit of its unpretending system by the government of the 
U. States asking no favors, having nothing to claim but justice for individual 
citizens, and a fair observance of the stipulations of the Treaty of December 
1828 and of the general Law of Nations. . . . 

There is one subject to which I ought perhaps to have adverted in some 
earlier communication as it is a topic in my additional instructionsI 
allude to the expression of the good wishes of the U. States respecting the 
acknowledgement by Spain of the Independence of her former colonies- I at 
first cautiously, and by degrees openly, offered opinions and arguments on 
this subject in the diplomatic and political circles But I found it a super- 
rogatory business I spoke to minds already convinced The views of the 
United States are those in sincerity of every diplomatic and political charac- 
ter here and our conduct in this matter is generally approved as consistent, 
and as being at once lofty and discreet. . . . In the mean while with apolo- 
gies for the length of this communication, I remain Sir [etc.]. 



523 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACTS] 
No - 35 Rio DE JANEIRO, June 4, 1836. 

SIR: ... You will herewith received 2. a printed copy of the treaty 2 of 
commerce and navigation of this Empire and Portugal. This is an highly 
interesting document, and will I presume command from you a scrupulous 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 10. 

2 It is filed with the despatch but is not included in this publication. For a comment by 
the becretary of State, upon its provision granting special commercial favors which is 
pertinent to the present publication, see above, pt. in, doc. 458 



DOCUMENT 524: JANUARY 31, 1837 213 

examination. The negotiation was long pending, and was subjected to many 
doubts and difficulties. I possesed the accidental means of knowing a good 
deal in regard to its progress and result. An early attempt was made by the 
French Minister to awaken jealousy and to procure in some sort an inter- 
ference. 

I saw however no direct infringement of our national rights, and to express 
an opinion in any form of official protest merely on a general topic of policy 
seemed to me an unfit and indecorous interference 

By a general topic of policy I refer to the peculiar mutual favours sanc- 
tioned by the treaty certainely establishing preferences over other Nations, 
and thus impairing the principle of a perfect national equality. This course 
is in general an unadvisable policy for any Nation, but its right to take this 
course and to consult its own views of self interest are undeniable. To de- 
claim on these truisms and to undertake to be a self constituted guardian of 
brazilian and Portuguese interests, seemed to me as hazarding something un- 
warranted and intrusive. As a question of right our interference was pre- 
cluded by the exception stipulated by the 2' 1 Article of our Treaty with 
Brazil. This exception is in the english and every other treaty. It was in 
fact the policy of England to secure this favour for her then faithful and 
humble Ally. See art. 20*. b of the Treaty of G. Britain and Brazil. 

The real favour granted to Portugal is a diminution of one third of the 
duties upon imports -see Article n*? 1 of the treaty now transmitted. . . . 

Hoping to receive speedily your further communications, I remain [etc.]. 



524 

William Hunter, United States ChargS d 1 Affaires at JRio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of .State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 50 Rio DI<; JANEIRO, January ji, 1837. 

SIR: . . It is not irrelative to the navy, and somewhat in a correspond- 
ing strain of reflection, that I proceed to state an event, as a diplomatic one, 
somewhat singular, and not without its bearings on our present estimation 
with this Government and what that estimation may become if not haz- 
arded by our neglect, irritability, our submission or indulgence. A note was 
received from the Secretary of Foreign Affairs dated 5*. h Janu'y* inviting me 
to a conference on the 7^ at 12 o'clk. . . . It appeared that the civil war of 
Rio Grande do Sul was the object of the conference. This war as you well 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 10. 

In the omitted portion of the document, Hunter commented upon what he considered the 
irregular conduct of the Brazilian official in inviting, also, to the conference, the British and 
French ministers, none of the three knowing that anyone of the others was invited. 



PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

know has been chequered by victories & defeats, but was supposed to have 
been finished in favor of the Government, by the defeat & imprisonment of 
its leader Bento Gonsalres But Eduardo, the next in command, with about 
1200 troops retreated into the interior of the country, entrenched himself at 
a place called Pilota, and summoning the adjoining population of all colours, 
with the due forms of resolutions proclamations &c. issued a declaration of 
independence of, and seperation from the Empire of Brazil, and set forth a 
scheme of constitution and government. He thus figures as the founder of a 
new Republic This event so far as I could observe had made but little im- 
pression on the public mind, and was deemed one of those ebullitions of 
military popular frenzy which would soon subside. From the locality how- 
ever of the pretended new Republic, its relative proximity to the states of 
Buenos Ayres & Monte Video, and a distrust of the perfect neutrality of 
those States, though they had been early and reiterative in their professions 
O f it this government suffered itself to be alarmed, or to feign alarm, and 
with an air more of bustle than of business, decreed that something "must be 
done". . . . 

. . . Forseeing, as I thought that these measures could have reference to 
nothing else but an unwarrantable extension of the right of search, & an as- 
sertion of blockade without regard to adequacy of force or notice, I inquired 
of the Secretary whether his object was not to obtain our previous assent to 
the right of visit by Brazilian armed ships of the vessels of our respective 
countries as well as to egress & ingress He confessed it was. . . . 

. . . Upon the motives therefore as avowed & assigned, I declared I 
could perceive no necessity for any step to be taken by any foreign power; 
and in regard to any concession as to the right of search, it was entirely be- 
yond the sphere of my authority uncontemplated by my instructions and 
inconsistent with my duty: and it would betray a shameful forgetfulness of 
the history & policy of my own country, not to be aware of its reluctance to 
the extension of this right beyond the universally admitted principles of the 
law of nations We had refused it on a memorable occasion, to a power of the 
highest respectability who urged the concession by a reference to her own 
example, and enforced it by all the arguments with which philanthropy 
could invest eloquence. After some pause it came across my mind that 
there must be at bottom some better reason than those ostensibly assigned, 
for the course which the Brazilian Government meditated It struck me 
that the true motives of this proceeding were a fear of the two Governments 
of Buenos Ayres and Monte Video, unsettled & revolutionary as they are, 
and oscillating from the extreme of tumultuous democracy to that of military 
despotism This government seems to have no confidence in their good faith, 
and it is suspected that the scheme of a great Empire, or of a confederated or 
consolidated republic to consist teretorially of a considerable portion of 
Brazil, and the other two states, has been for some years the object of the 



DOCUMENT 525: FEBRUARY IQ, 1837 215 

secret hope and intrigues of some of the discontented and ambitious of all 
these countries 

The navy of Brazil is too feeble and too much occupied especially with the 
yet unsubdued rebellion of Para to be able to impress these states by any 
efficient demonstration. To produce an effect by foreign aid with a show in 
their favor of the principal commercial nations would be useful and impor- 
tant In this strain of thought, and hinting delicately at these topics, I ven- 
tured to suggest a substitute for the Secretary's proposal. That it should be 
the understanding of the commercial and naval powers with this Imperial 
Government, and with each other, that in addition to their usual instructions 
to ships of war, as to the visiting, assisting &c. the merchant ships of their 
respective countries, another should be added viz. that they should be cau- 
tioned against supplying any persons acting in hostile opposition to the 
legitimate government of the Empire, and especially the Republic of Pirati- 
nim with any munitions of war &c. and likewise cautioning them not to re- 
ceive on board, or be the bearers of any commission for any Privateer &c. 
from any asserted republic or government in Brazil acting against the legal, 
Imperial authority thereof &c. &c. And that the Brazilian Government 
might do this as to their own vessels, & if they thought fit to those of Buenos 
Ay res & Monte Video We then could do service to a friend without impos- 
ing upon our respective naval officers any other than their ordinary duty, 
that of visiting merchant ships at sea for the purpose of affording information 
& protection, and we should hazard no principle of indiscreet concession. . . 

I remain fete.]. 



525 

William Hunter, United States Charge d* Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 51 Rio DE JANEIRO, February 10, 1837. 

SIR: . . . 2 1 have lately yielded to a persuasion that we can, and ought to 
become towards this country not by any Formality of Alliance, but by 
a diplomatic understanding, a tutelary friend, a promoter of its stand as a 
respectable American power, and that we may now safely though with 
becoming caution, open a little more largely our views encourage a more 
definite independence of Europe, and permit a hope of our collateral not 
belligerent aid, in case of difficulties. We have perhaps committed a mistake 
in placing Brazil on the same platform with other American powers The 
immense extent of her territories, which though occasionally disturbed, our 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 11. 

2 The omitted portion tells of contemplated efforts to obtain for the United States ad- 
vantages equal to those granted to Portugal in the treaty with that power. 



2l6 PART IV I COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

admonitions might influence to confirmed reunion her feelings of rising 
superiority to Portugal, and by consequence a diminishing dependence on 
England These considerations, and many others combined with our 
neighbourhood, our increasing mutual commerce our early favor bestowed 
our forbearance continued, might influence Brazil to a sense of her true 
interest, and embolden us to an exposition of it. The time for doing this 
is at hand A reelection of Regent will come round in little more than two 
years The Emperor will not be always a child and we I hope enjoy now a 
moment of comparative political tranquility, enabling us to look with 
prospective care, to all our foreign relations and to enforce all our claims 
to respect from abroad, with reference to the resulting good at home. 
With true respect and regard [etc.]. 



526 

William Hunter, United States Charge & Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 53 Rio DE JANEIRO, March 23, 1837. 

SIR: The concerns of this part of the Globe are assuming a more troubled 
aspect; and there is some apprehension that Brazil whose commotions at 
home are not yet quieted may be drawn into new embarassments by pressure 
from abroad. 

You have of course better information than I can give of the state of 
affairs both in Chili and Peru. These two States present the predicament 
of open and declared war without having as yet (it is believed) engaged in 
actual hostilities. 

Buenos Ayres that is the Argentine Republic has likewise in a language 
that threatens and anticipates extremities, prohibited intercourse with Peru; 
and Monte Video or the selfstyled Oriental Republic of Uruguay is convulsed 
by a new internal disturbance, and its diplomatic language towards this 
country is that of reckless and haughty defiance. . . , 

I should enlarge more on those subjects to which I have paid a close 
attention, but unfortunately the immediate concerns of my own Legation 
are enough for my immediate care and solicitude. 

Independently of the vexation occasioned by the evasion of promises in 
regard to the great object of my efforts and ambition the settlement of our 
old prize claims, and a satisfactory indemnity to those of our citizens who 
have so long been flattered and disappointed; the state of affairs in Rio 
Grande gives occasion for almost daily disquiet, and obliges me to be on the 

i Despatches", Brazil, vol. n. 



DOCUMENT 527: JULY 2Q, 1837 217 

alert not only for the prevention of individual suffering, but of national 
dishonor. l . . . 

In the hope that rny next communication may be of a more agreeable 
tenor, I remain [etc.]. 



527 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 57 Rio DE JANEIRO, July 29, 1837. 

SIR: ... I transmit besides the Journals of this place another copy of the 
Argentine declaration of War. This Republic has appointed a Minister 
Plenipotentiary & Envoy Extraordinary (Alvear] to the United States, and 
likewise one to this Court. Monte Video has appointed a Charge d 'Affaires 
for this place, both of these countries have territorial, beside orther questions 
to settle with Brazil, and with each orther. The Missions to this Court 
have been recommended by England. The Mission to the United States 
from Buenos Ayres is doubtless for the purpose of reviving the old affair 
of the Falkland Islands, Vernets claims our Captains alledged offences, 
& and I hope the debts of that Government to our citizens. . . . 

. . . We must not form our estimate of this Country from the illuminated 
pictures of our early commissioners, and we must place no dependance on the 
morality or patriotism of Rosas, whose instruments of government at home 
are the priest, and the Musket, and whose concessions abroad must be paid 
for in money, apparently for orthers, but assuredly for himself. I 
present this Sketch traced from the much stronger portraiture of orthers 
especially that of the British Ministers. 3 In connection with this subject 
one case that of the Parthean has come under my notice. The Cap* Adams 
was obliged to leave Monte Video without his papers, being pursued by 
Vernet for sealing on one of his Islands. The almost identical scene was 
renewed in Silas Burroughs case (which I perceive is published) except that 
the last is part and parcel of the old affair. . . . 

In the mean while [etc.]. 

1 The omitted portions deal with claims and with difficulties experienced by United States 
citizens in the province of Rio Grande do Sul. 2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. n. 

3 The words "the British Minister" reached the Department in code. 



21 8 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

528 

William Hunter, United States Charge d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States x 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 58 Confidential Rio DE JANEIRO, August 29, 1837. 

SIR: . . . The English annoy this country as they do every other, with 
applications as to Slavery or if you please the slave trade. M ? Fox 
crowned his labors here by the negotiation of a Treaty enforcing the british 
scheme of settling the indicia of guilt by certain facts, such as an over- 
quantity of water or rice, over largeness, of cauldrons peculiar construction 
of Bulkhead &c &c. Whatever the appearances may be, the truth is, that 
this over and constant pressure upon a matter, in regard to which the 
brazilian Government were always indifferent or insincere, and which it 
begins to suspect is used more as a method of intervention in domestic affairs 
and a control over them, not only as to the direct, but as to collateral objects, 
has sickened and disgusted them. This show of philantropy by every min- 
ister in England whether whig or tory or half radical, at the expense of the 
foreign slave holder, (and his case is here not separated in heart from the 
slave importer) is suspected to be intended only for popular effect at home; 
or if more is meant, it is construed to be some deep and covert intent against 
brazilian agricultural and commercial interests in furtherance of their own. 
Hoping soon to impart to you the auspicious result of my endeavors I in the 
mean while remain [etc.]. 



529 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 60 Rio DE JANEIRO, September 25, 1837. 

Sm: 3 . . . I likewise transmit a London pamphlet relative to the concerns 
of the Rio Doce Company replete with statistical facts or conjectures, and as 
I should think peculiarly interesting to our friends of the South West, 
generally illustrative of the colonial regard of Great Britain towards this 
country. . . . 

But I am straying from my permitted path ; and this communication must 
end with the assurance of the high regard and respect of your obedient 
faithful servant. 



, Brazil, vol. u. 2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. n. 

The omitted portions tell of the resignation of the regent, and of the change of ministry. 



DOCUMENT 530: NOVEMBER l8, 1837 219 

530 

William Hunter, United States ChargS d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States L 

No. 64 Rio DE JANEIRO, November 18, 1837. 

SIR: The Brig Garafilia that takes this letter presents according to appear- 
ances the only opportunity for the United States for months to come. I deem 
it my duty therefore to give you now, information of an event that has 
occured here, altho all its details are not yet fully known and of course 
its consequences can hardly be conjectured. A sudden insurection broke out 
at Bahia on the y** 1 of this month. Its apparently exciting cause was dis- 
content at the embarkation of troops for Rio Grande. It is headed by 
Sabino an apothecary, but is supported by all the soldiery. It began by the 
desertion of forty artillerists who were soon joined by the national guard and 
the troops of the line. The President of the province and the Commander 
in chief fled and took refuge on board a Brazilian man of war. The in- 
surgents or whatever they may be called avow their design to be, a seperation 
from the central Government and the erection of a Republic. They had 
taken possession of the Government Palace and were proceeding to elect a 
President. Numerous candidates were nominated and dissension and con- 
fusion prevailed. Thus far the published account. We are waiting with 
anxiety for more particulars. The Government here are getting ready a 
force to proceed to Bahia, but of its hopes, apprehension or even opinions 
I am ignorant. There seems to be an unusual degree of caution, silence and 
secrecy and I have been baffled in all my attempts to procure information 
more ample than I have presented. Guesses as to the ultimate result would 
be idle. Altho it is difficult to presume success to an undertaking, unsup- 
ported by internal pecuniary resources, or external aid or alliance. Not a 
drop of blood has as yet been shed. Undoubtedly there are some real causes 
of complaint in most of the provinces. The system of taxation is a vitious 
one and leads to inevitable disproportion. There is a jealousy of Rio de 
Janeiro. The clamor of the provincialests is our money is spent there. 
The perogative of appointing the President of the Provinces by the Imperial 
Central Government tho' undoubtedly intended by the constitution as a 
source of influence and a bond of union, in practice counterworks its own 
design. As to the establishment of a true republic in this country it is an 
event of which the most truly republican despair. General Education & 
freedom in religious discussion must first prevail. 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. n. 



220 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

531 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States * 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 66 Rio DE JANEIRO, December id, 1837. 

SIR : . . . Our noble ship the Independence entered this port in the after- 
noon of the I2 1 * she arrived at Pernambuco from Madeiro on the 2 and 
hearing of the disturbances at Bahia immediately proceeded there. Nothing 
decisive has taken place. The insurgents with a force of about six 3 hundred 
men hold the city, the country population are unfavorable to the revolution, 
and supply the Government with its principal force. The city is beseiged on 
the country side and an attack is meditated when sufficient means are 
collected. The insurgents have not only possessed themselves of all the 
money in the provincial treasury, but have reissued an immense amount of 
copper coin that had been called in to be cut or punched. They have seized 
not only all the public arms, but also large importations belonging to English 
houses, for which however they have paid or offered payment. 

On the sea side the Government will have to encounter great difficulties. 
An attack to be successful must be a rapid skillfully conducted movement of 
a large force. The batteries that guard the immediate entrances are formi- 
dable and well placed, and even if the lower town should be gained, the upper 
is protected by a strong fort commanding the only accessible avenues of 
attack. There has been no suggestion of a blockade. 

As to the political or ethical grounds of this revolution, I am unable to add 
anything to the slight suggestions of my N 64. 4 I have seen no state papers 
of the new Republic appealing to the opinions of its own community, or 
foreign nations; disclosing acts of oppression that justified resistance and 
sanctioned bloodshed. . . . 

It is in vain to disguise these facts viz that the majority of the people 
are attached to Monarchy, and the Monarch, to an established religion; to 
titles, stars, orders &c &c. 

It is the independence of this country as an american power we ought to 
cherish; and to ensure that, its internal peace, undisturbed by political con- 
vulsion is necessary. Whenever this great mass of empire breaks up, 
european protection will be proffered or sought, and that protection what- 
ever may be its form, will be in a commercial sense colonial An impairing 
of the equality of trade, a qualified exclusion of other nations, and a monop- 
oly more or less severe would be the certain consequences 

... So far as I can observe the great body of this population respect 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. u. 

2 Here a blank was left in the despatch as if for the later insertion of a date. 

3 A footnote reads "one account says 2600." 

4 Above, this part, dated November 18, 1837. 



DOCUMENT 531 : DECEMBER l6, 1837 221 

monarchy not only as a political form, but as a religion. I therefore am 
hopeless for this and many other reasons of the establishment of a Republic, 
and if the will of the people is honestly against it, it is antirepublican to 
wish it. I dwell a little more on this subject with the view of giving it a 
practical direction because it may be proper to suggest, that warm hearted 
young men of our country, navy officers and others, upon their arrival here 
seem to think it their duty and mine, to be upon the side of every revolt, that 
invokes the name of liberty, and it is in some degree difficult to explain to 
them that my duties and instructions, and as I believe theirs, bind us in a 
foreign country, to be cautious in interference with its political concerns 
either in deed or word. There is another reason for our forbearance from 
all political agitation here, inasmuch as all the seperatists, nullifiers and revo- 
lutionists refer to our history without understanding it, and base themselves 
on principles alleged to be ours, which as they interpret them, we have ever 
repudiated and repelled. This leads to a suspicion by the loyal Brazilians 
of our countrymen. They think we interfere at least by our wishes and opin- 
ions. In one or two instances formerly our consuls may have been indiscreet. 
In the recent discussions at Bahia our country, its system, and institutions 
have been refered to, by the republican party so called as models for imi- 
tation; by the loyalists for the purpose of exhibiting the comparitive supe- 
riority of their own system and institutions. In all such discussions we are 
mistakenly praised and blamed. But there is one controlling reason why 
we should cautiously abstain in this country above all others from lending 
the smallest breath of encouragement to insurrection. The physical force 
of the country is out of all proportion black or coloured, no insurrection can 
be of long continuance without ending in a servile war. This is the last 
tragedy, with its unities of time and place, (the place american ground, the 
time that of heated discussion on this fatal topic in our own country) that 
we ought to be willing to have exhibited On this subject there will be for 
us no european sympathy nor among Brazilians any preventive wisdom or 
enduring energy. The catastrophe I dread is that Brazil may become a 
black military despotism. But I will not dwell longer on a subject so 
disastrous, the thoughts I have hazarded were irrepressible, and point to the 
palpable conclusion that our interests, commercial, political or domestic 
lead us to foster, the repose, the political harmony and the general 
prosperity of the entire brazilian empire . . . 

With the hope that my next communication may announce a successful 
progress in our affairs I remain Sir [etc.]. 



222 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

532 

William Hunter, United States -Charge a' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 67 Rio DE JANEIRO, January 16, 1838. 

SIR: ... I understand that Monteiro undertakes too much, and that his 
industry and ambition have lately been exclusively directed to a discussion 
with the French Minister in relation to an antient and obscure theme of 
controvercy, the boundaries of french Guiana France still retains her 
admiration for ships colonies, and commerce, and she is contending for an 
elargment of her territory on the northern boundary of this Empire which 
will give her an extensive command of coast bays and rivers. It is not as I 
believe our policy to extend or fortify the european colonial policy. France 
exhibits herself to this country in all her strenght [sic] and splendor Her 
legation is uncommonly large, swelled with secretaries attaches &c her 
stationed force of ships of war exceeds that of any other power, and the 
entrance of occasional ships is frequent. There is an evident increased 
attention to Naval affairs the new ships are said to be models of beauty 
and strength France means by system and science to reach an equality of 
naval power with England and to be prepared against the United States 
and the world . . . 

Brazilian affairs at this moment do not present a prosperous aspect 
Bento GonQalves is elected President at Pirinatim. I saw him here a prisoner 
he effected his escape and portends trouble. He has character talents & in- 
fluence and it is said has the control of funds. You are not therefore to deem 
the affair of Rio Grande as settled There has been a slight insurrection at 
the mines but it was speedily suppressed. ... 

With an intention of speedily again addressing you I remain [etc.]. 



533 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACTS] 
No - 72 Rio DE JANEIRO, March 28, 1838. 

SIR : . . . I soon shall address you again ; A mass of consular, Custom House 
and other concerns have accumulated. In the mean while I remain [etc.] : 
P. S. March 30^ I have this moment received a note from M* Slacum 
saying that he has just received a letter from an officer on board the U. S. 

* Despatches, Brazil, vol. n. 2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 11. 



DOCUMENT 534: APRIL 1 6, 1838 223 

Ship Lexington announcing the death of our Charge M- Thornton The 
British Corvette Rover Captain Eden arrived from the Pacific this day. I 
have letters from M r Pollard dated the 30*? Jan? The result of the intelli- 
gence seems to be that the Chilians are not united in opinion as to the war 
with Peru and move in it with little spirit while on the other hand the 
Peruvians are united and devoted to Santa Crux & his measures. . . . 
P. S. April 2 d Intelligence has just reached here of a complete victory by 
the outside or loyal party over the insurgents of the City of Bahia, all the 
forts and the city have surrendered, and the legal President will in a few 
days exercise his usual civil functions, delayed as it seems, because it is 
convenient to continue for some little time longer the terrors of martial law. 



534 

William Hunter, United States ChargS d f Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 73 Rio DE JANEIRO, April 16, 1838. 

SIR: ... I have before intimated to you the difficulties that had arisen 
between France and the Argentine Republic. They are the result of an 
attempt to enforce military service upon French residents. This was 
strenuously resisted by the french consul, and obstinately persisted in by 
the Dictator. The discussion went thro 7 all the stages of Note replication, 
crimination and recrimination, imputation of insult, demand of satisfaction 
&c ending in the french consul demanding or being offered his passports and 
departing from the country. The course of the Consul has been sustained 
by his Government, and Admiral Le Blanc with the whole french squadron 
proceeded to Buenos Ayres renewed the demand for satisfaction, and upon 
renewed refusal did on the 28*. 11 of March formally announce the vigorous 
Blockade of the Port of Buenos Ayres, and the whole extent of the shore of the 
River belonging to the Argentine Republic Declaring in his Manifesto that 
the blockade would be carried into strict execution, and be continued as long 
as the grievances that occasioned it remained unredressed. Ships persisting 
to enter the blockaded Ports after notification of the blockade by a french 
ship of war, would be proceeded against by every measure of rigor authorized 
by the law of nations ; But to mitigate as far as possible the inconveniences 
to which foreign commerce might be subjected by a measure solely directed 
against the Government of Buenos Ayres Vessels anchored in the Port or 
exterior harbors will be permitted the free right of egress until the io*. h of 
May next, at which period the prohibition becomes general and will extend 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. n. 



224 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

equally to vessels sailing from, or entering into, the blockaded Port or 
places 

The blockading force is composed of one large frigate, two corvettes, two 
Brigs and three small vessels, these last purchased by Admiral Le Blanc at 
Monte- Video and armed by guns moving on a pivot 

Thus you perceive that as to its formality and fair attention to theoretic 
principle this ordinance of blockade is meant to be unexceptionable But I 
am apprehensive we may have difficulty on one point. For Buenos Ayres 
only the blockading force would be deemed adequate, altho the frigate cannot 
approach within eighty miles of it, but when you compare this force to the 
sum of its duty, the blockade of the whole extent of the shore of the River 
belonging to the Argentine Republic, it may be perhaps fairly questionable 
whether the force can be deemed adequate 

My experience in the brazilian blockade cases assures me of the intelli- 
gence and enterprise of our countrymen, and their habitual use of the distant 
points of the Rio Salado &c- &c- I close this affair of Buenos Ayres without 
any remarks on what may be the ultimate designs of France, influenced and 
developed as they may be by events in this part of the globe. I have hinted 
at something in previous communications. But it is comfortable to assure 
you, that, according to my information our countrymen have not been 
molested on this question of military service. This happens I beleive (partly 
at least) from an adroit diplomatic stroke on the part of our former minister 
at Buenos Ayres M- Forbes. During the pendency of a similar question in 
his time and after a Treaty with Great Britain, he was assured in conference 
with the minister of foreign affairs, that we were to be placed on the footing 
of the most favoured Nations, the conversation had of course reference to 
the then recent treaty with Great Britain. M* Forbes repeated in a note 
forthwith the substance of the conversation, and called on the Secretary to 
confirm the accuracy of his statement it was confirmed, and as the british 
by the then Treaty, and that subsequent, have been exempted from all 
military requisition, so have our countrymen, The ground of the Buenos 
Ayrean controversy with the French is, that they have no treaty, no diplo- 
matic stipulation, nor anything tantamount to it; placing them on the foot 
of Great Britain and therefore the law of the land enforcing military 
enlistment upon residents of so many years, must be dutifully and munici- 
pally enforced . . . 

The Falkland Islands is a name to us I am afraid of rather ill omen 
By a copy of the paper now transmitted N 9 I, 1 it appears that Great Britain 
1 This interesting paper follows: 

Lieutenant Robert Lomay to the Master of the U. S. Barque Hesper 

H. B. M, Ketch Sparrow AT NEW ISLAND, W. FALKLAND, 

December ip, 1837. 

SIR: Her Britannic Majesty's Government deeming it proper to assert in the strongest 
manner the Sovereign right of her Britannic Majesty to the Falkland Islands; and every 



DOCUMENT 535: MAY 4, 1838 225 

asserts her right and jurisdiction to the utmost extent. The matter however 
is so entirely out of my jurisdiction that I apologize for transmitting this 
paper, and indeed my apology for referring to the affairs of Buenos Ayres at 
all, is my ignorance of our present consular arrangement there, and the fear 
that however regular this may be, the blockade may obstruct early communi- 
cation. I will venture however to remark that I am apprehensive that 
M- Baylies 1 great argument enforcing the claims of Great Britain to the 
ownership and occupation of these Islands, and therefore disproving that of 
Buenos Ayres may be resorted to on the part of England in case of any diffi- 
culty with us, with a pompous shew of triumph The plan of that argument 
was I believe what was in the olden time permitted, in the english action of 
ejectment viz the proof of an outstanding term in a third party, as a bar 
to the Pltfs recovery. 

Perhaps the real question in regard to this abandoned and desolate spot, 
was whether all the world had not a right to continue the fishery to which it 
had been accustomed from time immemorial. So much for extraneous 
concerns. . . . 

With great regard and respect [etc.]. 



535 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 74 Rio DE JANEIRO, May 4, 1838. 

SIR: It seems proper that I should continue to give you information 
relative to the Blockade of Buenos Ayres by France. You will observe by 
the accompanying document N 9 I that the French minister has served me 

state having the right to prevent the vessels of Foreign nations from fishing within three 
miles of the shore, of any Territory which belongs to it de Jure and which it occupies de 
Facto. I have received orders to acquaint the Commanders of all Foreign Vessels, 
found sealing or Fishing within three miles of the shore of these said Islands, that they 
are trespassers, and that they will not be permitted to return to the Falkland Islands 
next season. I do not however wish to obstruct your fishing at present, but simply to 
assert the right of her Majesty over these Islands, and I have to request that these 
rights be not infringed by yourself, or any of the Crew under your Command. I have 
also to acquaint you that the British Government have given positive orders, that the 
Cattle, Horses and Wild Animals be protected by every means; Should you therefore 
require Fresh Beef, Bullocks &c they can be obtained on application to the Resident at 
Port Louis Betkely [Berkeley] Sound at reasonable prices, but that all trespassers will 
be proceeded against in the most summary manner on proof shewn that they have acted 
in violation of the said Government orders 
I have the honor [etc.]. 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. n. 



226 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

with a regular notice 1 The paper transmitted is the original, I retain a copy 
N 9 2 is a paper I procured from Buenos Ayres 2 before the date of my last 
dispatch. N 3 is my note of acknowledgment to the french minister. 3 You 
will observe some slight verbal discrepancies between the first two papers. 
Here this proceeding of France is of course a topic of interesting discussion. 
Some complain of it, not only as a disproportionate, but as a novel measure. 
They call it Blockade without war, the conversion of an incidient into a 
principal. They say it will injure innocent neutrals more than the 
offending enemy. To this the reply is It is war, it includes all its conse- 
quences, rights and duties. As in former communications suggested, it is 
said, that the force is inadequate for its extensive object viz not only the 
blockade of the port of Buenos Ayres, but likewise "tout le littoral apparte- 
nant d la Republique Argentine," and that its inadequacy renders it totally 
illegal These and others, I have heard are but common place suggestions, 
and it is hardly worth while theoretically to discuss them, I shall at any 
rate in my situation await the occurrence of an actual case. In the event of 
the capture of our own vessels, where will they be taken, if legally to France, 
the country of the captors, hardly any vessel in a pecuniary sense would be 
a prize. If an attempt should be made to make an improper use of the ports 
or courts of this or any other neighbouring country I presume the attempt 
must be resisted to the utmost that is by immediate and earnest remon- 
strance. What are the concealed motives or ultimate views of France are 
not yet sufficiently discoverable to authorize any sound or even specious 
assertion. As however in all probability upon your receiving the more 
direct diplomatic notice from the minister of France in Washington some 
discussion may enseu [sic] I will give you what I have gathered in conversa- 
tion which according to your discretion you may regard as idle gossip, or 
use as hints available. It is said that Rosas' opposition to France is per- 
sonal, springing from his hatred and his fears. Soon after the revolution of 
1829 I believe, that brought him into power it is said that 4 [blank] who had 
been the diplomatic agent of the Republic at Paris returned in a reversed 
capacity, having been made the french diplomatic agent to his own country. 
The gross impropriety of such conduct was visited severely upon the delin- 

1 The document is a communication, in French, of April 25, in which the French minister 
at Rio de Janeiro informed Hunter that all of the pacific measures adopted by the French 
representatives to the Argentine Government having failed, the commander of the French 
squadron had, on March 28 preceding, proclaimed the port of Buenos Aires as well as the 
coasts of the republic in a state of blockade, quoting the text of the proclamation. Not 
included in this publication. 

2 This is another copy, in French, of the French commander's proclamation of the blockade. 
For many other documents regarding this blockade, see above, vol. I, passim, beginning 
about this date. 

3 The acknowledgment stated that the information had been immediately furnished to 
the commander of the United States naval forces in the neighboring waters, and that a copy 
would be sent to his government ; but it did not discuss the matter. Not included in this 
publication. 

4 Here is a blank in the document, apparently left for the subsequent insertion of the name 
of the person who was said to have had this unique experience. 



DOCUMENT 535: MAY 4, 1838 227 

quent, who was said to be invested with powers to place Buenos Ayres under 
french controul, and a french chief. Rosas acts, or affects to act upon the 
opinion that this imputed sheme [sic] of France still exists. He likewise accuses 
France of intriguing with the neighbouring powers to his prejudice. There 
is some reason for beleiving that the efforts of France are and will be directed 
personally against Rosas, that his overthrow is at least their primary object. 
In private letters from Buenos Ayres it is said that the french Admiral 
declares that he makes war not on the argentines, but their Tyrant. He has 
humanely dismissed one argentine vessel, whose loss would have been the 
entire ruin of its owner. Distress and consequently discontent already pre- 
vail, and a revolution hostile to Rosas pretensions is confidently predicted. 
In these unfortunate countries a revolution predicted is already begun. 
M ? Slacum received from M* Dorr official notice of the Blockade as an- 
nounced to him by the French admiral. . . . 

To return to the Blockade I find that I have forgotten to mention, that 
I evidently discovered Monteiros dissatisfaction with it, not only on the 
grounds mentioned, but from an opinion that the French are wrong as to the 
original question of military service he says France interposes for the over- 
throw of a municipal law which a sovereign independent state had a right to 
enact. Brazil has a similar law and practice. That the seeming want of 
reciprocity as to the treatment of the different nations arises from treaty 
stipulations, or diplomatic arrangement, and is no insult to France &c &c. 
I have learnt while writing this letter that Wylsop the Dutch Minister here 
has protested against the Blockade. I presume in reply to the note received 
from Baron Rouen. As regards myself I have been scrupulously on the 
reserve altho' my opinion and action have been in various ways solicited. 
I wait for the instructions of my Government, and shall be cautious even 
verbally to compromit it. Holland loves not Belgium, nor Belgiums ally. 
I find a clear allusion to expected positive hostilities with Buenos Ayres in a 
Paris Journal as far back as September. This little affair with Buenos Ayres 
may be, (so some affect to think) the spark that is to ignite the combustible 
matter and the already lain train of european hostility. I cannot get at 
the opinions of England. I do not know what M- Mandeville the Minister 
at Buenos Ayres has done or will do. M ? Gordon the english representative 
here was but a paid attache, is young, and expecting M- Ousely every 
moment, I presume will take no step. Surely the dutchman transcended 
the sphere of his jurisdiction, the protest ought to have been made by the 
consul at Buenos Ayres. 

I have even now more to say, but as the developements by the Session of 
the Chambers, may, or rather ought to influence my communications I stop 
here with the renewed and sincere assurances [etc.]. 

P. S. Since this was written I have found out that the english diplomatic 
agent here does not object to the french blockade, but on the contrary. 



228 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

536 

William Hunter, United States Charge d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 75 Rio DE JANEIRO, May 15, 1838. 

SIR: . . . The blockade of Buenos Ayres is producing its expected effects, 
deprivation and distress upon the immediate inhabitants of the city, activity 
to get out everything by the 15^ of June to which time the permission of 
egress is extended. But the distresses of the City affect not Rosas. These 
relate principally to the Yearba [Yerba], the paraguay tea lately a good 
deal cultivated in Brazil, and sugar, and perhaps rum. Rosas principal 
estates are sixty leagues from the city, he is a Gaucho at the head of a gaucho 
force he hates France and will it is beleived persevere. . . . 

With the utmost regard and respect [etc.]. 



537 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 76 Rio DE JANEIRO, May 27, 1838. 

Sir: ... I have lately received another interesting visitor, in the person 
of Don Manuel de Sarratea Minister Plenipotentiary from the Argentine 
Republic to this court. He was introduced by a very special letter from 
M- Dorr our consul at Buenos Ayres, who, informs me that the introduction 
is in compliance, with the especial request of the minister of foreign relations, 
and that it is a part of Don Sarrateas instructions to endeavour to establish 
a friendly frank and confidential intercourse with myself." [No begin- 
ning quotes in the original document. Ed.] M r Dorr intimates that 
this is of good augury to the re-establishment of amicable relations 
with the Argentine Government, and taken in connection with another fact, 
the appointment of Gen! Albear [Alvear] as minister Plenipotentiary to the 
United States it seems not presumptuous so to consider it. I am informed 
that Gen! Albear has actually engaged his passage in the ship Nile that sails 
from Buenos Ayres direct for the U. States. Don Sarratea in his interview 
was apparently frank and cordial communicative and sensible. He speaks 
english perfectly. What are his immediate objects here I have not yet 
discovered I conjecture however that he intends whatever may be his 
merely Brazilian views, to enter into direct negotiation with the french Min- 
ister on the affair of the blockade and its associated topics. You will have 
i Despatches, Brazil, vol. n. 2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. n. 



DOCUMENT 537: MAY 27, 1838 229 

a fair opportunity of judging upon the controversy between France and 
Buenos Ayres by the communications which I presume you will receive by 
this conveyance one of the packets I transmit being the printed corre- 
spondence that has passed between the french agents and the argentine 
minister of foreign relations I have a copy, and it is but fair to say that the 
argentine minister sustains himself admirably. What is the inducement of 
France in magnifying this small affair ? Is it for the purpose of having a 
greater number of her ships in trim and employed, without creating jealousy 
in other quarters ? is it for the purpose of a more rational scheme of coloni- 
sation than that of Africa or is it for the mere purpose of directing harm- 
lessly the incessant national mobility ? the old roman senatorial policy 
which aimed to suppress the seditious spirit of the people, by the cry of "let 
us march to Veil . If, (as it may be,) " [sic] it is only, an outbreak of european 
arrogance, against a feeble american State I shall feel as an american, tho 
that state is one of politics and morals, as equivocal as that of Buenos 
Ayres. Rosas is perhaps brought to his senses. If the affair should go 
on would you be surprized if our mediation was hinted at or requested, and 
that fair propositions for the settlement of our concerns will either be ten- 
dered or willingly accepted? I have in former communications explained 
my coure [course?] of conduct. Whatever may be the President's views of 
our national interest or dignity, as to this Buenos Ayrean concern, I have 
done nothing, in word, or deed, compromitting his utmost freedom of 
deliberation action, repose, or indifference. 

As to the immediate affairs of this country, I am obliged to say, that the 
insurgents of Rio Grande have obtained a signal victory, and that the re- 
union of that province to the Empire is but eventual or dubious. You may 
recollect that so long ago as January, in my N 9 67 l I said, that you were 
not to deem the affair of Rio Grand as settled. I said this then opposed 
by the current of general opinion. But in my view the insurrection of Bahia 
and Rio Grande were always clearly contra-distinguishable. The first was 
an outburst of assassins-heading Mulattoes free negroes &c undoubtedly 
stimulated by men of higher purpose and character, but who remained in 
darkness or the back ground ashamed of the vileness of their agents and 
awaiting events This rebellion had neither legitimate motives, nor avail- 
able support in public opinion. It was unaided by talent or money. It was a 
town against the country, all these circumstances are contrasted by the 
affair of Rio Grande. 

The victory is that of Rio Padro [Pardo] . The royalist forces amounting to 
about 2700 men, had there formed a sort of an entrenched camp tolerably 
fortified in front but open or neglected as to its rear Bento Manoel as- 
saulted the front with what was supposed to be his whole force, but favored 
by means of a thick wood he had contrived to place a Targe body in the rear, 
i Above, this part, dated January 16, 1838. 



230 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

The attack in front and rear was furious. It is said that all the royalists are 
either killed, wounded or prisoners. A few officers only escaped in canoes. 
The consequence of this victory, is to give to the insurgents, the controul of 
the whole inland country to render probable their speedy and safe possession 
of Port Allegre, and to render (as before said,) the reunion of the province 
to the Empire, but eventual or dubious. . . . 
With great respect [etc.]. 



538 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States * 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 82 Rio DE JANEIRO, September 12, 1838. 

SIR: . . . But France, tho' her diplomatic appointments here are splendid 
and profuse, and her diplomatic agents able and aimable, is looked upon by this 
people with distrust and dread. The policy of her cabinet at home in regard 
to minor powers is felt to be stern, her pretensions are deemed arrogant and 
excessive, and her conduct in reference to Mexico, Buenos Ayres &c are 
appealed to as justifying these opinions. It is therefore presumed that no 
administration here in the course of mere ordinary negociation dare concede 
much to France. What the ablest may be compelled to do with a french 
fleet at hand threatning a blockade is another matter. In all monarchical 
countries political events are produced or influenced by causes which with 
us are impossible of existence. This mere truism must not be disregarded 
in the consideration of the affairs of this country. An Emperor and two 
princesses uniting the blood of the houses of Braganza and Austria must be 
married. Two foreign Princes have visited this country, and speculation has 
attributed motives, and predicted results. It is said that the Lady has 
managed well this topic of marriage and played with some dexterity upon 
this chord of female hope and sentiment, and that the Prince de Joinville 
may settle many intricate questions, even the boundaries of french Guiana 
by the cession of the two refractory Provinces of Para & Maranham, and the 
erection of another Monarchy on american territory. This is of course mere 
gossip but it may not be all nonsence. . . . 

. . . The affairs of Montevideo and Buenos Ayres continue to be increas- 
ingly calamitous. The proffers of negotiation made to Frutus f Fructuoso?] by 
a committee chosen by the legislature were rather rudely repelled. On their 
return from their unsuccessful mission the clamors against the President 
Oribe were violent and portentous. Some revolutionary proceeding was 
intended and would probably have been effected if Oribe had not contrived 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. n. 



DOCUMENT 539: FEBRUARY 2, 1839 23! 

to fill the galleries of the legislative hall with his own armed partizans, who 
over awed the assembly and compelled it to breajc up in disorder. One 
charge against Oribe is the employment of foreign troops (argentine) un- 
sanctioned by the legislature. Fructus on the other hand has made a league 
with the insurgents of Rio Grande who still continue in great force and who 
by their treaty with Fructus have obtained two thousand horses in exchange 
for a company and four pieces of artillery. This force has enabled Fructus 
to make several attacks upon Paysandu, he has been however in every in- 
stance repelled. The french Blockade of Buenos Ayres is kept up with the 
utmost severity. No large foreign vessels attempt to enter, and the captured 
launches and fishing smacks are immediately armed and maned and thus 
rendered the means of increased annoyance. Extreme distress has driven a 
large portion of the population into conspiracy in which a part of the army 
was involved. But Rosas detected it before its actual outbreak, and has 
resorted to his old methord, a secret order for immediate death on all who 
were accused, or whom he suspected. This has spread dismay and the effort 
of the inhabitants now is to save themselves by flight. 

Francia the dictator of Paraguay is at last dead. This event may be 
interesting as the wonderful country which he shut up from the rest of the 
world may now be opened to scientific research and commercial enterprize. 
. . . With unaltered sentiments of respect and regard I remain [etc.]. 



539 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States l 



No. 88 Rio DE JANEIRO, February 2, 

SIR: I am again induced to address you, a short and irregular despatch, 
and that, not in relation to the affairs of this country, (for nothing has oc- 
curred here, but those of ordinary detail) but to those of Buenos Ayres. The 
french at present mean, (from the best information I can collect,) to bombard 
that port. The small armed vessels that have arrived here from France, 
(meaning instantly to proceed) are calculated for that purpose, and are 
loaded with boats, or materials for boats, bombs &c &c suitable for this enter- 
prize. The Calliope of the english navy, has been ordered from hence in 
haste by the english minister, to offer embarkation and protection to english 
residents. Captain M e Kensie is as you know stationed, (as it were,) in the 
waters of Buenos Ayres, and Commodore Nicolson sailed from hence on 
friday the 25^ ulto for Monte Video, and will be at hand in time and place 
to offer assistance and advise A Minister Plenipotentiary from Buenos 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. IT. 



232 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

Ayres sailed from here a few days since in the english packet I think his name 
is Moneiro [Monteiro?] That France, meant to conduct herself haughitily 
and severely both to Buenos Ayres, and Mexico, and to every other American 
power (the United States perhaps excepted) I have distinctly long ago 
intimated. England does not like this, but as France, adverting to former 
scenes, is but her copyist, she has said less than she perhaps penitentially 
feels The diplomacy and the navy of England here, are against France 
and Capt* Herbert of the Calliope, a sensible and well bred gentleman, who 
I beleive bears the opinions of M r Mandeville, the english minister at Buenos 
Ayres, not only suggests something against France, but something also in 
extenuation even of the late conduct of Rosas France means to be success- 
ful. She means in America to avenge her great american wrong, as in her 
pride she conceives it. To the gross mass of the population of enlightened 
France the bombardment and conquest of american Buenos Ayres and the 
american Castle of St Ulloa in Mexico, will be as it were the bombardment 
and conquest of New York & Charleston & the Jackson indemnity will be 
repaid. Do not impute this thought so much to me, as to every other neutral 
diplomat here. My thought is as you know that France has been for years 
filling her Navy by its cunning increase, and by employing and disciplining 
its crews for a crisis; that of 1839 40 that she has predicted or concerted 
As I write for the mere purpose of assuring you, that whatever may happen 
at Buenos Ayres or its vicinity, we have force and intelligence enough to 
prevent any ill consequence to our country I subscribe myself not without 
the renewed regret of being unhonoured by any notice since June last your 
obedient faithful servant 



540 

William Hunter, United States Charge d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 89 Rio DE JANEIRO, April 16, 1839. 

SIR: . . . The general condition of this country is far from being auspicious. 
Nothing is at ease, nothing is safe. The rebellion (as the legitimates call it) 
of Rio Grande, so far from being overcome, has become in some degree 
legitimate itself. There is possession of an immense tract of interior coun- 
try, connected with a port or outlet to the sea. There is a nominal republic 
with some shew of political organization. . . . The means of suppressing 
the Insurrection or Revolution of Rio Grande have never been uniform or 
consistent The abuse of little victories on the part of the legitimates has 
lead to cruelty, little defeats have lead to excessive alarms, to unseasonable and 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. u. 



DOCUMENT 541 : APRIL 29, 1839 233 

unnecessary concessions The sword and the olive branch have been flour- 
ished in classical phrase. But the true application of this maxim of civil 
wars meaning superiority and always requiring energy magnanimity and 
clemency, has been misunderstood and misused. Money that is corruption 
has lately been resorted to and it is singular that Torres the late Minister of 
War is now at Rio Grande unconscious of his own resignation and dismissal, 
disbursing large sums and litterally buying golden opinions. The Province 
of St Catherine is disaffected and it may truly be said that discontent a spirit 
of disunion and a desire for independence exist in nearly all the provinces 
with the exception of the Minas Geraes and Rio de Janeiro In this state of 
things how is this administration to get on . . . 

The suggestion at which I hinted some time since, of the marriage of one 
of the Princesses to a son of Louis Philipe, assumed more of shape and sub- 
stance than I was aware of. The dowry to be enough of Brazil in connection 
with french Guiana to constitute a respectable kingdom. As this scheme 
would be evidently contrary to our avowed policy, and injurious to our com- 
mercial interests, I have cautiously, but I hope with some effect talked 
against it. England cannot regard such an attempt with indifference. And 
it has required no great skill to awaken a patriotic aversion to dismember- 
ment of Empire in a country which is proud of its present bulk and desirous 
of more. I have not been able to discover whether the late Ministry in any 
degree favored this french project, but I feel certain it would be odious to 
the people, and be resentfully rejected by the Legislature. . . . 

In the mean while I remain, Sir, [etc.]. 



541 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 91 Rio DE JANEIRO, April 2p, i#jp. 

SIR: . . . You will not be displeased to hear that it is probable that the 
affairs of Buenos Ayres are about to be arranged and that of course the block- 
ade will be discontinued. This arrangement it is said is to be effected by the 
award and arbitrament of M r Mandeville the british Minister Plenipoten- 
tiary and our Commodore J. B. Nicolson This presumes of course authority 
in the French Admiral, and a willingness to admit that authority on the part 
of the Dictator Rosas. That M r Mandeville has by instructions from his 
Government been endeavouring to mediate, is well known, but that our 
Commodore is instructed or commissioned by our Government is what I do 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. n. 



234 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

not know. My information in regard to this matter is from the french 
Minister himself who received letters from Admiral Le Blanc, and from 
Lomonosoff the Russian Charge who has received letters from Commodore 
Nicolson. There can be little doubt then, that this attempt at arrange- 
ment, is at least in progress, and it is to be hoped and presumed, that the 
parties who have both of them errors to expiate, and who are tired out by an 
unprofitable contest, will suffer the commissioners to settle all differences 
succintly and conclusively. . . . 
I remain, Sir, [etc.]. 

542 

William Hunter, United States Charge d 1 Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 93 Rio DE JANEIRO, June j, 1839. 

SIR: . . . In regard to the late resignations Vasconcellos ordered his men to 
abandon a sinking ship. He had, accompanied with charges of self advan- 
tage, to meet a deficit of at least four millions, and a rebellion not only 
unsuppressed, but shaping itself into the form and organization of something 
like a consistent Government. The negotiations with the Pope were evaded, 
and the french Guiana boundary question (upon which so far as I have stud- 
ied it, Brazil is irrefutably right) was undisturbed by any warm patriotic 
diplomatic declaration, that the Nation of Brazil would stand upon its 
territorial rights, and regard the point in controvercy as one of the highest 
that occurs between nations, litterally one of national integrity, and politi- 
cally one of national honor. These topics were dwelt upon with expensive- 
ness, and occasionally with ability by part of the chamber of Deputies. 
Accusations of corrupt intrigue with Fructus [Fructuoso] Rivera against the 
legitimate Government of Montevideo, and of tameness or acquiescence as 
to the proceedings of France against Buenos Ayres and Mexico, were not 
withheld. Montezuma and Abreo were the principal debaters, who directed 
their attacks against the administration of the I9*. h of September, and they 
both, especially Abreo, charged this administration with antiamerican ten- 
dencies and with submission to european exactions. He eulogized the United 
States, and referred not only to its uniform policy of frankness, fairness and 
firmness in diplomatic proceedings, but referred to and dwelt upon the latest 
and best exposition of that policy by the present President. . . . 

There had been some months ago a report in circulation that there was 
a dissension in the Vasconcellos cabinet, that is the one of the 19*** of Sep- 
tember, upon this very point of antiamerican tendencies and european 
partialities. The accusation was the theme of newspapers and pamphlets 

i Despatches, Brazil, \ol. II. 



DOCUMENT 543: AUGUST 12, 1839 235 

and pressed with so much force and verisimilitude that Vasconcellos found 
himself under the necessity in a well written specious letter addressed to a 
grave and a distinguished personage to contradict the assertion of his anti- 
american tendencies, and of any dissension or division in the cabinet. . . . 

... I ought to say that I have reason to beleive that it is the present 
intention of this country to renew no treaty merely because it happens to 
expire. The whole medley of brazilian politicians affect now to declare that 
they have by their treaty with England not only placed themselves in a false 
position as to other nations, but have in effect curtailed their own rights of 
legislation and Sovereignty. This is a serious truth. But what will not 
England attempt in 1842-3-4 having peculiar commercial interests to 
sustain, loving sway as she does, and always treating arrogantly Portugal 
and Brazil as her own colonies and the hated, (I think unjustly,) having 
force that intimidates and money that corrupts. I merely now open this 
subject which I take the liberty of presenting thus seasonably to your and 
the President's deliberation ; that it may not be hereafter said that I faltered 
in uttering that which I deem a matter that ought to be distinctly enun- 
ciated, and which to us amicably inclined to Brazil as an independent amer- 
ican nation, unites as it were principle and sentiment with self interest, and 
presents a topic in regard to which the sound and sober opinion of the people, 
will be in accord with the sound and sober politics of the Cabinet. You will 
pardon a suggestion which I throw out merely as such. France, Portugal 
England ourselves, to speak of no others have to treat with Brazil perhaps not 
before 1842-3. Should we not say discreetly but firmly to England and 
Portugal as well as Brazil we cannot longer submit to this system of 
partialities or favoritisms. Should we not early explain ourselves to France, 
and establish our only true system, real equality, by Treaty or no Treaty 
leaving everything in future to our own means, persuasive or energetic for 
inducing or enforcing it. ... 

I remain, Sir, [etc.]. 

543 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 96 Rio DE JANEIRO, August 12, 183 p. 

SIR: My communications from this country have had a tedious same- 
ness. It has been my duty to describe from time to time, with a mournful 
uniformity the insurrections of Provinces, the sudden and capricious changes 
of counsels, and denials of even notice, of the just claims of our fellow citizens. 
With deep regret I have now but to reiterate similar events. There is a 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. n. 



236 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

sad defect somewhere either in the institutions of the country, or the temper 
and habits of the People. But this is, perhaps, a mere abstraction, on which 
I will not now theorize, tho' perhaps I may hereafter say something, which 
may induce my successor to turn his attention to this subject, as one not 
unconnected with our diplomatic position here, and our important com- 
mercial relations at home. The insurgents at Rio Grande so far from being 
quelled are enterprizing, and partially victorious. They have made an 
incursion into the Province of St Catharines, have possessed themselves 
already of a considerable town, and threaten the subjugation of the whole 
Province. A new and formidable insurrection has taken place in the 
Province of Maranham, while that of Para adjoining, can hardly be said to 
be subdued. Rio de Janeiro, and almost all the other provinces continue to 
be peacable and loyal; but there are looks and expressions of alarm, and 
consternation, which I have never witnessed on any preceding similar 
occasions. 

The forces of the Empire are drawn to opposite quarters, there appears 
to be an impossibility of concentration. . . . 

With true and unaltered respect [etc.]. 



544 

William Hunter, United States Charge d* Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsythj Secretary of State of the United States * 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 97 Rio DE JANEIRO, August 29, 1839. 

SIR: . . . The constitutionalists with a real present attachment to 
Monarchy, and the future Monarch, constitute as I beleive the true majority 
of the brazilian Nation. 

As I have before, more than once intimated, such insurrections as were 
those of Para & Bahia and as is, that of Maranham, tho' disgraceful and 
deplorable, are not formidable. The best of those engaged in them are in- 
stigated only by a spirit of rapacity, and urge on the ruffian herd of negroes, 
mulattoes, Indians, and half breeds who compose their forces only for 
plunder. As to the blood of their victims, surprised in their habitations, or 
their own blood tracking their retreat to a spot of forest safety they are 
equally reckless. They have no system, no principle, no hope of the estab- 
lishment of a new or permanent Government. It is otherwise, on various 
grounds as I have frequently before said in regard to Rio Grande. I refer 
now only to one consideration. This is an exhausting concern to this Govern- 
ment. It is this concern which has overset what little of system there was 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. n. 



DOCUMENT 545: NOVEMBER 25, 1839 237 

or could be in their finances. There is an over remittance at great sacrifice, 
to one point, and the state of the country is such that the very monies re- 
mitted, in no small, portion, go to the feeding of their enemies, for they are in 
possession, of the whole of the back country, from which the principal 
supplies of an army must come. The money thus obtained does not 
return. . . . 

With great respect [etc.]. 

545 

William Hunter, United States Charge d* Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 100 Confidential Rio DE JANEIRO, November 25, i8jp. 

SIR: . . . Having reference to the coming year 1840 it perhaps behoves 
us to study somewhat closely the composition of this ministry, and its chances 
of duration, as well as to review generally our diplomatic and commercial 
relations with Brazil. Is this ministry favorable to us is it likely to last? 
As to the first question, so far as depends upon mere words, and warm and 
repeated words, it professes to be favorable. In all conversations with the 
present secretary of foreign affairs, our country has been ever mentioned with 
marked respect, and personally my family and myself have been addressed 
with a most courteous attention. But there is some reason for the belief 
that this ministry is too english to be just to us, or others, and that the favor 
& the courtesy are meant to obscure the vigilance that would detest, and 
silence the frankness that would expose & favoritism at first unjust in itself, 
now obsolete as to its motives and objects, and altogether incompatible with 
our present condition as a nation, to say nothing of our distinguished char- 
acteristic progessiveness. As at present advised, my opinion is that we 
ought not to hurry any new connexion with this country; why should we 
yield a jot to english or even Portuguese pretension. My opinions are in- 
fluenced by no personal prejudice but are derived from what I beleive to be 
the genuine brazilian sentiment which I have been solicitous to consult and 
which it is my duty sincerely to express. That sentiment is in our favor, 
against english french or even Portuguese effort or assumption. This 
Ministry has at least an apparent english tendency. Lopes Gama the secre- 
tary of foreign affairs the near relation of the Regents wife, his intimate 
friend, his selected Senator, was and legally is the chief Justice of the english 
court here he was selected by the english he has been conversant in 
english concerns he has handled (I do not mean to say corruptly) english 
money. His place on that bench by some mode of election or substitution 
which I do not comprehend is now held ad interim by Lisboa's brother, the 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. n. 



238 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

under, but perhaps in most cases the efficient Secretary of foreign affairs. 
Alves Branco like every other brazilian minister of finance courts the finan- 
cial favour of England, he has constantly either to apologize for not season- 
ably remitting the dividend on the foreign loan, or to implore a new advance 
from the London Banker. I ought however to observe that it is confidently 
said here, and by the english themselves, that the reason why Lopes Gama 
was desirous of a Senatorship and of another office, is his conviction, that 
the article of the Treaty establishing his english Judgeship will never be 
renewed. I observe that the expiration of the english treaty in 1842 has 
been adverted to in Parliament, and I incline to think that british pride and 
policy, will prompt the assertion of every favor distinction and perogative, 
they now possess here. Their most liberal minded statesmen seem to speak 
of Portugal and Brazil as tho. they were english colonies. It will be asked 
what harm ensues to us by these favoritisms to England certainly in actual 
visible pecuniary loss not much. But why should we submit to usurpation, 
and acquiesce in the subversion of the great fundamental principles of na- 
tional law equality and reciprocity. . . . The Agents of the claimants and 
especially M ? Gardner and Wright have had most encouraging intimations 
from various quarters. ... I hope my course will be approved by the Presi- 
dent, and that he will precei ve in it, combined with a concession to individual 
importunity, and a readiness to seize on every apparently favorable occasion 
for the advancement of the interest of our citizens, a steady regard to national 
dignity, and a faithful adherence to my instructions. I can only say that 
on this subject tho' I am not sanguine I have a right to hope, and that I 
mean seasonably to use all the means which my experience may suggest to 
insure success. But to pursue the reply to my own queries. Altho this 
administration may be favorable in this last respect, it will not be so, for 
reasons already intimated as to the more important concern, a forbearance of 
concession to, and favoritism towards England, and the adoption of a fair 
frank scheme of national policy founded on a perfect national equality. For 
this very reason this Administration cannot last long, it will probably not 
survive July Public and legislative opinion is against England; and un- 
fairly so, because all the just cases of discontent and dislike, are aggravated 
and inflamed by what are deemed the high handed measures against the 
slave trade. It cannot be concealed than [that?] an immense amount of 
brazilian capital and credit are engaged in this traffic, that it is countenanced 
by the indifference or favor of the people, has been connived at by the 
Government, and corruptly protected by the courts of Justice. The english 
captures have occasioned numerous bankruptcies and excited at once alarm 
and indignation. The clamor here is no treaty with England no more treaties 
with any nation of the old world For it is singular that France is also 
altogether out of favor There is even a club or association lately formed 
here in Rio de Janeiro, the bond of whose union is the non-consumption of 



DOCUMENT 545: NOVEMBER 25, 1839 239 

french goods, and the non-employment of french mechanics artisans etc 
The french population here male and female is much larger than that of any 
foreign nation, the Portuguese excepted. Most all the delicate and decora- 
tive employments those of milliners dress makers jewellers dentists 
artificial hair workers, pastry cooks etc etc are in the hands of the french 
They are the arbiters of taste and fashion, and their opinions and their wares 
are recommended by their talents and politeness. Of course they engross 
custom and accumulate fortunes. This naturally excites the envy and 
jealousy of their indolent and less accomplished neighbours. But their 
cupidity and chagrin borrow the hues and tones of political philosophy, 
and claim to be ennobled by elevated notions of the rights of nations and 
mankind. They deprecate the conduct of France as that of a great armed 
power, oppressive of smaller states, and seeking their degradation or sub- 
jection, and appeal with rather fortunate aptness, to the instances of Mexico 
and Buenos Ayres, and the invasion and occupation of their own territory 
at Ocapoe. You must take this for what it is worth. The main fact is true. 

There is one possible predicament for which we ought to be prepared. It 
may be the policy of Brazil to urge upon us a treaty by way of model, and for 
the purpose of announcing generally to foreign nations their principles; and 
their determination to abide by them. Our present Treaty is called some- 
times in sneer, sometimes in praise a treaty of maxims and definitions. It 
is too apparent to those powers who affect to think the new world was dis- 
covered only to be colonized by the old, that it includes the system of 
american Independence that it recognizes as a practical truth not as a mere 
theoretic abstraction, the equality of nations, that it seeks for and offers 
reciprocity, that it respects and enlarges the freedom of commerce, and that 
upon all the contested points of neutral and belligerent assertion it liberally 
but not recklessly inclines to the neutrals the weak the defenceless and 
unarmed. Suppose we make a perfect Treaty in 1841 and England nego- 
tiates in 1842-3, would she not enforce with all her means other principles, 
and even if we had a positive stipulation that our principles were never to be 
counteracted in any after Treaty, with any other power could we depend 
on the firmness and courage of this Government, and are we willing to hazard 
a collision with England, which would seem to be inevitable, if she were 
arrogant enough to attempt in an after Treaty the assertion of principles and 
the stipulation of provisions diametrically opposite to those we had previ- 
ously asserted and obtained. Is not some delay on our part preferable. 
Is it not best to treat cotemporaneously and amicably, previously sounding 
other powers. This is submitted with deference to a higher and more com- 
prehensively informed sagacity. I quit this subject. . . . 

... I say nothing of Buenos Ayres, except to transmit you a paper from 
that place in Spanish put upseperately containing important documentary 
matter. The reports of the day are that General Rosas is on his retreat 



240 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

from the Monte Videan territory, and that the present aspect of affairs is fa- 
vorable to Fructosa [Fructuoso] Rivera. He is as you know aided by a french 
force composed principally of the Marines and a select number of the crews 
of their ships. Two french vessels of war, a destined reinforcement, are now 
in this harbor, and are expected to sail tomorrow. More ships and troops 
and a new Admiral are expected from France. The blockade tho' as vigorous 
as ever in its terms and as extensive in its range is but feebly sustained. But 
the habits of trade are broken up, and the poverty and distress of Buenos 
Ayres are stated to be cruel and extreme. Commodore Nicolson and all 
our ships are now at the River England is making a serious and enlarged 
attempt at the settlement of the Malvin [Malvinas] (Falkland) Islands. 
The avowed object is to have a marine station midway between England 
and their growing Empire in Australia. . . . 
In the mean while I remain [etc.]. 



546 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 101 Rio DE JANEIRO, December 29, 1839. 

SIR: . ; . The concerns with France are perplexing, and the french force 
now in this quarter of the globe, is formidable, say forty vessels of War of 
all sorts. There are those who say, that France has revived the old scheme 
of an antartic France peaseably if she can forceibly if she must. The re- 
port of the intention to offer the Prince de Joinville to the youngest Princess 
of Brazil, is adverted to in European Journals, and the return of the 
Baroness Rouen to Europe may not be unconnected with this affair. The 
marriage is nothing to us, and perhaps a french south american monarchy 
need not alarm us, especially if it should be allied to France, only in the rela- 
tion of a friendly independent power, and not as a mere colony. Is it 
inexpedient to utter our anticolonial suggestion as well in France, as here, 
and.elswhere The balance of power in Europe we perhaps have but little 
to do with but the balance of power of the new world is our especial con- 
cern. If France, at present perhaps guided by counsels, as ambitious and 
more sagacious than any country of Europe, should be placed in the com- 
mand of that Empire which can be made by the extension of her Guiana 
boundary upon Brazil, either as a colonial establishment, or as an allied 
monarchy with the command of the Amazon and other great rivers she 
will possess especially if a monarchy connected by marriage is the scheme 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. 



DOCUMENT 546: DECEMBER 29, 1839 241 

an influence over Brazil unfavorable to our notions of free trade, and introduc- 
tive or rather confirmatory of that european influence in american concerns 
which if I understand the purport or M r Monroe's uncontradicted declara- 
tion, it is our duty our policy and in a fair sense our right to prevent. 
Whatever may be the fluctuations of this singular country it cannot fail 
from its wonderful natural resources and its position on the Globe, to be, 
in reference to its commercial intercourse, one of immense interest and im- 
portance. It is so now. Not only our immediate, but our prophetic eye 
ought to be directed towards it. I fear less from England whose star here is 
waning, than from France catholic France connected by familv alliance. 

It is to be apprehended that the simplicity, not the purity, of our diplo- 
matic course may be in some degree affected by the strange condition of the 
world. In our own neighbourhood the Independence of Texas, the per- 
turbed state of Mexico and Canada, the rapid progress of Cuba towards 
wealth power and perhaps independence, present as I presume topics for 
your reflection. And in this connexion I ought not to omit the information 
that there is now in this port a well appointed russian Bark the Nicholas, 
about to sail with a Governor troops settlers etc for the North West settle- 
ments. It is said here that France has sent to Texas two Spanish Bourbon 
Princes for their education. The suggestion here is they are to be ready for 
american Kings if circumstances favor. 

That there is in the diplomatic circles here talk more free and frequent, 
than heretofore, against all the Spanish american republics is certain. That 
France once had a monarchical scheme for Buenos Ayres is asserted by 
Rosas, and a kind offer of a like nature to Mexico after the restoration of the 
Bourbons, is I beleive admitted. The ultra monarchical party here predict 
with plainess and pleasure, the repeal of the additional law that is overthrow 
of the federative system of the Provinces, when the Emperor shall be of age. 
This party deprecates the idea of their Monarch, being but thenominal head of 
eighteen stormy Republics, and a return to the old system of captaincies or 
one modeled on the municipal prefecture institutions of France is openly 
desired and avowed. But in regard to the designs of France I ought not to 
omit to inform you that there are those here who contend that the great 
force now collected at Buenos Ayres, is only for the purpose of facilitating a 
settlement upon fair and moderate terms That the new Admiral Duportet 
remarkable for the mildness of his temper and manners, is invested with a 
plenipotentiary diplomatic character, that France is weary of the blockade, 
and will go so far as to disavow the acts of Admiral Le Blanc. If so, she must 
likewise disavow her alliance with Fructus [Fructuoso] Riveira [Rivera], the 
revolution she has effected at Montevideo, and the civil war she has stirred 
up in the remote Argentine provinces. A suppression of the blockade is 
very confidently suggested in the french circles, and has considerably in- 
fluenced mercantile opinion. Adventures are on foot, funds and Ships 



242 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

collecting, for the purchase and transport of the immense amount of products 
the blockade has accumulated. A few days must determine this matter. 
I transmit N I a document from Admiral Le Blanc which will throw some 
light upon some of my remarks. 1 . . . 
With high respect and regard [etc.]. 



547 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 103 Rio DE JANEIRO, January 30, 1840. 

SIR: ... I presume that by this opportunity you will receive if you have 
not before an account of the great victory obtained by the troops of Monte 
Video over those of Rosas. The account is given in the Journals now trans- 
mitted. Admiral Le Blanc is here on his way for France The prediction 
is that Rosas will be overthrown : the Blockade raised and commerce restored 
to its wonted freedom. I think there are yet many difficulties to be over- 
come. If however the pacification of that part of the world is at hand it 
may not be inexpedient in us to attend to our commercial interests there 
which are of considerable and increasing importance, and amid the pressure 
of other claimants to secure for ourselves an equal and favorable position. 
From all I hear our propositions would be listened to with good will both by 
Monte Video and Buenos Ayres altho' they are and perhaps ever will be 
hostile to each other. Our fair and moderate course would win its way the 

1 The document, referred to, follows: 

Proclamation by Admiral Le Blanc, Commander -in- Chief of the French forces 
off the coast of Brazil 

MONTEVIDEO, November 10, 1830. 

WE, Rear Admiral, commander in chief of the French naval forces stationed off 
Brazil and in the Southern seas, 

WHEREAS a revolution has broken out throughout the South of the Province of 
Buenos Ayres against Governor Rosas. 

WHEREAS the chiefs of this revolution have voluntarily addressed us to acquaint us of 
the fact that they rejected the policy of General Rosas relative to France, and con- 
sidered themselves at peace with her. 

Wishing to give to the Citizens of the Argentine Republic a proof of the friendly dis- 
position which has not ceased to animate France toward their country, and to the com- 
merce of all the nations a new proof of the desire we have always had to lessen as much 
as possible the inconveniences resulting to it from the Blockade of the Argentine littoral. 

DECLARE the Ports of Salado, Bahia Blanca, and Carmen or Patagones, situated on the 
Shores and coasts of the Argentine Republic, which extend from the Bay of S. Barrom- 
bon to the Rio Negro de Patagones temporarily open to the Flags of all Nations, re- 
serving to ourselves the right to restore the Blockade should circumstances become of a 
nature to require it. 

2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. 



DOCUMENT 548: FEBRUARY 27, 1840 243 

better on account of the clamarous and exacting claims of the french and 
english. We should treat as an american with americans, with Monte 
Video repenting of its french alliance, and with Buenos Ayres under whatever 
Government it might be, smarting under its wounds and brooding over 
suppressed resentments. I cannot but think that our intervention at such a 
crisis would be useful to these countries and advantageous to our own. It is 
only because, that we have no diplomatic agent in either (so far as I know) 
that I venture on these remarks. My means of information in regard to 
both countries are various and I believe correct. . . . 
With renewed assurances [etc.]. 



548 

William Hunter, United States Charge d* Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 105 Rio DE JANEIRO, February 27, 1840. 

SIR: . . . The present Portuguese minister Snr Figaniere on account of a 
change of measures and men at home is about to be removed. This is a 
circumstance I regret as he was friendly to our country, and personally 
sociable and accessible. But the Portuguese are jealous of him I think 
unjustly, as inclining too much towards England. The gentleman who is 
mentioned as likely to succeed him is, a Snr Bayard, represented as eminent 
in literary and juridical acquirements, and who combines in his favor the 
fervid admiration of his own party, and the respect and good will of its 
political opponents. All parties seem now to be preparing for the Treaty 
making times of 1841. 2 & 3. The Lisbon journalists avow that the object 
in the appointment of Snr Bayard, is the formation of a Treaty favorable to 
Portugal as to its productions. . . . 

. . . The politics of this country and Portugal, are, and will be further 
mixed up with the question of the Slave trade; to such a degree even, as 
materially to influence diplomatic efforts and treaty stipulations. The 
philanthrophy and popularity of the british Ministry, the resentments of 
Portuguese and brazilian Slave traders, are obviously to be elements, that 
will enter into future negociation. Our course on this subject of the Slave 
trade has been so uniform so sincere, so reserved and dignified, that it is not 
to be anticipated that any pressure of circumstances, can involve us in this 
passionate contest ; except perhaps so far as Portuguese intercession operating 
upon brazilian sympathy, may induce this country to concede favors to 
Portugal, injurious to the freedom of trade and national equality. 

Intending to address you again speedily by M r Slacuin I remain [etc.], 
i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. 



244 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

549 

William Hunter, United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 106 Rio DE JANEIRO, April 29, 184.0. 

SIR: . . . The withdrawal of the french troops from Oyapock, and the relin- 
quishment of the intention of further military occupation of the desputed 
territory is an event, hailed here, as one uncommonly favorable, and has had 
the effect of retarding the fall of the ministry, and mitigating the acrimony 
of the factions that make up the opposition. If France has fully withdrawn 
her pretentions, whatever may be the motive, it affords matter of congratu- 
lation, not only to this nation but to others. The commerce of this immense 
and abundant country, which in spite of its faults of institution or adminis- 
tration is constantly increasing, and especially with the United States, will 
be undisturbed, and what is of more moment the peril of dismemberment by 
France or the worse necessity of soliciting or submitting to foreign protec- 
tion will be avoided. 

The disturbances at St Catharines connected with the extensive and pro- 
tracted insurrection of Rio Grande has been entirely allayed, and the 
aspect of affairs at Rio Grande itself is deemed by military men as aus- 
picious. . . . 

... I think I am not mistaken in the views I have heretofore presented of 
the intentions of this Government. It will not it cannot renew in the full- 
ness of its provisions and partialities the british treaty. It will form no 
other upon that basis. Portugal from the influence of slave traders, from a 
sympathy with her as harshly treated by England, a sympathy which the 
book of the Marquis Bandeira on the slave trade proceedings has justified 
and augmented, stands now a better chance than formerly, but still I cannot 
beleive that any system of favoritism will be pursued, and it certainly cannot 
be without the grossest inconsistency with the language of any eminent 
politician of this country. The english are awake upon this subject, and 
alarmed by what they now beleive to be the settled determination of this 
Government. It has lead to the absurdity of its being contended that their 
treaty does not expire until 1844. Snr Bayard the expected new Minister 
from Portugal has not yet arrived. I shall endeavour to ascertain his course, 
and if injurious to us conteract it. ... 

Intending to address you again by M r Slacum I remain fete.]. 
1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. 



DOCUMENT 552: APRIL 21, 1841 245 

550 

William Hunter, United States Chargb Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States * 

[EXTRACT] 
No. in Rio DE JANEIRO, July 31, 1840. 

SIR: I did not anticipate the singular and rapid result of what I called in 
my despatch N? no June 28* 112 "the rather critical state of affairs in this 
country." But events certainly of high interest and in popular estimation, 
events pregnant with benefits and blessings, have taken place here, with an 
unexampled rapidity of movement, and completeness of developement. A 
bloodless revolution has been effected. The Emperor Don Pedro the 2 d 
who will be fifteen years of age on the 2 d day of December next, is declared 
to be of full age, has been called to the exercise of all the functions of his high 
office, and is now in complete possession of his Imperial Throne By con- 
sequence the Regency has terminated. The old Ministry is dismissed and a 
new one appointed. . . . 

Intending to address you again by the next opportunity, I in the mean 
while remain [etc.]. 

551 

William Hunter, United States Charge & Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 3 

No. 118 Rio DE JANEIRO, November 26, 1840. 

SIR: As it may be of great importance to the Goverment to have the 
earliest authentic intelligence of the cessation of hostilities between France 
& Buenos Ayres, and the raising of the Blockade etc, I transmit the enclosed 
British Packet of the 7* h and remain [etc.]. 



552 

William Hunter, United States Charge d j Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to John 
Forsyth, Secretary of State of the United States 4 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 123 Rio DE JANEIRO, April 21, i84i. 

SIR: There has lately, occurred that, which in this country is so frequent, 
viz an almost total change of Ministry, that I take no credit in having pre- 
dicted it. But it is presumed not to be in this instance unfavorable to the 
United States. Aureliano the Minister of foreign affairs, who has effected 

* Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. 2 Not included in this publication, 

8 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. 4 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. 



246 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

this change of course remains, and has surrounded himself by his persona! 
and political friends Calmon with whom as well as with Aureliano I have 
always been intimate, is made Secretary of the Treasury. The ostensible 
cause of this change is, the ill success of the Government in their attempts, 
either of warfare, or amnesty, to subdue, or conciliate the insurgents of Rio 
Grande. In truth that insurrection has taken in a degree a regular and as 
it were a legitimate form. To the offer of amnesty instead of penitence 
and submission as offenders, the chiefs not only demurred upon the terms of 
surrender, but assumed the character, and affected the dignity of the magis- 
trates and generals of an independent foreign nation. They stipulated not 
so much for pardon, as for indemnities honors and offices. I never could 
understand what were the grievances of this Province, orther than the 
offended pride and disappointed aspirations, of a few of its opulent and influ- 
ential proprietors. . . . 
In the hope of soon being in possession of this intelligence I remain [etc.]. 



553 

William Hunter, United States Charge d* Affaires at Rio de Janeiro, to Daniel 
Webster, Secretary of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 134 Rio DE JANEIRO, October 26, i84i~ 

SIR: . . . The affairs of this country are assuming an aspect which calls 
for the attention of all commercial countries and especially our own. The 
former reckless liberality towards England, which Brazil severely repents, 
renders fashonable and popular, the opinion, that no Treaties with any 
Nation are necessary or advantageous. The suggestion once intimated to 
me by this Government, that we should proceed to negociate a model treaty 
has not been lately renewed The suggestion itself never assumed a definite 
official form, and might be meant as merely complimentary to my Govern- 
ment, or as experimental to elicit frome me a wish or an opinion. . . . Our 
object is to prevent monopoly, its substitutes or disguises, to resist extraor- 
dinary favors to other nations, and to prevent so far as seasonable and 
justifiable negotiation can the adoption of wild sudden indiscriminate and 
excessive system of imposts discouraging to our Merchants and in truth 
destructive to all regular commerce You will find in the sequel that on this 
last point I have indirectly attempted something and with some at least 
temporary effect. . . . 

Our dates from home are only to 22 d August. Waiting impatiently for the 
intelligence of the close of Congress and its doings I remain [etc.]. 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. 



DOCUMENT 554: JANUARY 14, 1842 247 

554 

William Hunter, United States Minister to Brazil, to Daniel Webster, Secretary 
of State of the United States ] 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 3 Rio DE JANEIRO, January 14, 1842. 

SIR: My letter of credence as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni- 
potentiary was presented to the Emperor on the first day of this month. 

My reception was in every respect courteous, and it was obvious that 
Ministers meant to make as much of this affair as they could. 

The present state of their external relations is by no means agreeable. 
Their dislike towards England is manifest. It arises from permanent causes 
which I have heretofore explained, but is at this moment inflamed, not only 
by new insults by irregular captures of slave vessels, but by a new sharp and 
unexpected quarrel as to boundaries, to say nothing of the disdainful rejection 
of the loan which this Government has been long soliciting in London. 
Portugal is pressing pertinaciously for the payment of an ascertained money 
balance, the result of a settlement of past transactions made by Commis- 
sioners. France is sullen, and perhaps evasive, on the question of the Guiana 
boundary. She resists too, as I have already explained in my N 9 135,2 tne 
attempt to subject the orphan children of their native subjects to the juris- 
diction of this country. 

This country is troubled, too, by somewhat inconsistent transactions, if 
not engagements, which have passed between her and her neighbours 
Buenos Ayres and Monte Video; both, as you know, at war with each other. 

In this state of things it was peculiarly grateful to be noticed in a friendly 
and complimentary way by the United States. And to have that notice 
impressed by the attendance of such a ship as the Delaware and our other 
ships, exhibiting a larger naval force than any other country had at any time 
exhibited here, was hailed as a happy coincidence, and even as an auspicious 
omen. . . . 

We are now almost constantly occupied with visits of high people, Em- 
peror &c. to our ships. This of all modes of ceremonising is the most time- 
engrossing, and is my apology for rather abruptly closing this despatch 
with the renewed assurance [etc.]. 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. 

The low number of this despatch following the preceding numbers makes it desirable to 
explain, as Mr. Hunter did, in an earlier despatch which is not included in this publication, 
that he was starting a new series of numbering. 

2 Not included in this publication. 



248 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

555 

William Hunter, United States Minister to Brazil, to Daniel Webster, Secretary 
of State of the United States x 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 6 Rio DE JANEIRO, May 25, 1842. 

SIR: . . . Portugal stands in a position which our own somewhat analogous 
history enables us to comprehend. The metropolitan country wishes 
still to find Brazil a colony, and Brazilians suspected that the resident 
Portuguese favoured, as perhaps they unconsciously did, such a feeling. 
But the Brazilian jealousy is extreme, and the Portuguese feeling dared 
hardly manifest itself by an overt act This state of things, however, has 
in a great degree passed away. Portugal, some few years ago (1837) suc- 
ceeded in negotiating a treaty with Brazil on the plan of favouring by 
diminished duties their mutual importations. I explained this early to our 
Government, and was at the time so apprehensive that it might affect our 
interests principally in regard to the exportation of our rice to Portugal, 
that I felt justified in discreetly contributing my small efforts to prevent the 
acceptance of the treaty by the Chambers. I explained confidentially to 
Feijo, the then regent, that this scheme would be an obstacle to their great 
object viz. unobstructed legislation as to tariff and a contradiction to 
their asserted theory of impartiality towards all nations. The treaty was 
rejected, and Portugal is now as is every other nation, (with the doubtful 
exception of Great Britain, which claims, as you know, the prolongation of 
her treaty until 1844) unconnected with Brazil by any treaty stipulation 
whatever. . . . But to Brazil Great Britain is the engrossing object of care, 
hope, and apprehension. With Great Britain Brazil is connected as an 
ally at once submissive and querulous, as a quasi colony rather than as an 
equal power. England is here, as it were, at home. . . . But England, even 
independent of the slave trade question, has been too selfish, and her undis- 
guised arrogance has engendered popular aversion and even vindictiveness, 
the more embittered from being hitherto powerless. The renewal or the 
refusal of the treaty may occasion the explosion of suppressed resentments, 
and it will be the part of wisdom in ministers here not to be betrayed by 
popular indignation into a false if not a desperate condition. Great Britain 
has in store large diplomatic resources of legitimate argument, to say nothing 
of her means of naval annoyance which she has on former occasions un- 
scrupulously threatened and even employed. As in the first place I have 
taken some pains heretofore to demonstrate, Brazil is in the wrong as to the 
true time of the expiration of the existing treaty. Secondly, it has violated 
that treaty, so that the true intended exemption of duty beyond fifteen per 
cent upon English importations was very early grossly falsified, and has now 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. 



DOCUMENT 555 : MAY 25, 1842 249 

become in fact by repeated violations a dead letter. Reclamations may be 
made for the amount overpaid beyond the 15 p r Cent. Thirdly, as I believe, 
Great Britain after insisting upon them for a while for diplomatic discussion, 
and as make-weights, will surrender her ancient right of a special court, and 
even any restrictive amount of duties, depending upon the good sense of the 
country that the imposition will not be so large as to defeat its only object, 
revenge, and upon the interest of other powers conjointly to impress the 
obvious truth that excessive duties may occasion diminished income. "In 
political arithmetic two and two do not always make four/' 

It is too visible, however, that the proximate cause, the impelling irritation 
that disgusts Brazil with Great Britain, is her conduct in regard to the slave 
trade and slavery. This country could hardly be presumed to enter volun- 
tarily into the scheme of philanthropy which aims at the entire suppression 
of this trade, and the diffusion of those broad arguments which include the 
consequence of the illegality of slavery and its abolition; but this scheme has 
been forced upon them, and in a way that gives the appearance at least of a 
foreign government overruling the most domestic concerns, and interfering 
rather ostentatiously with matters purely local or municipal. . . . The 
scheme of self-interest attributed to Great Britain is her design of monopoliz- 
ing or controuling the markets of colonial produce, and making the free 
labour of her own colonies in the East and West Indies the sole suppliers of 
these articles, to the destruction of Brazil, of Cuba, and the slave states of 
the United States. . . . 

Pursuing the train of Brazilian thought, even the hypocrisy or politic com- 
pliance of English ministers, Whig or Tory, makes the matter worse. There 
is a sectarian or, if you will, a universal religious fanaticism which, by its 
very nature, brooks no denial and baffles all resistance; which by system 
imposes a new moral code on foreign nations, interferes with concerns in 
every sense interior, and shakes the basis of three quarters of all the property 
of the country, and this by using servile insurrection, if not as the direct 
means, yet keeping up the constant alarm of this tremendous calamity by 
adverting to and predicting it. All these thoughts and discussions have 
long been familiar and habitual in this country, and have been excited not 
only by the daily occurrences connected with the suppression of the slave 
trade, but by the open assertions and enthusiastic declarations of the diplo- 
matic agents of Great Britain. M- Ouseley the late British Charge d'Af- 
faires, who in private life is one of the most amiable of men, on the subject of 
the slave trade and the abolition of slavery, was conspicuously excessive and 
extravagant. In a conference with Senhor Aureliano, the Secretary of 
Foreign Affairs, when the topic of conversation was the probability of a war 
with our own country and its chances and issues, he vehemently declared 
that in the event of such a war, the whole of our slave country would be in- 
vaded by free black troops, and the abolition of slavery be proclaimed and 



250 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

enforced. When reminded by S- Aureliano of the terrible disasters which 
must attend such a mode of warfare, and rebuked for uttering in this country 
language of such dangerous import, M- O. abated not in the least his zeal, 
or in any way retracted or qualified his assertions. I give this as authentic. 
I had it from S* Aureliano himself without any injunction of secresy, and I 
think it my duty to communicate it. 

I must apologize for dwelling so long upon the subject of the slave trade 
&c. It renders this despatch disproportionate and unseemly, and appears to 
be deviating from my purpose ; but the truth is that these have been for the 
last four or five months the engrossing topics of conversation, and a true 
statement of the political opinions and feelings of this country could not be 
given without dwelling as I have done upon these matters. Intending in a 
few days to address you on other topics, and especially in regard to our pend- 
ing claims against this Government, I remain, Sir [etc.]. 



556 

William Hunter, United States Minister to Brazil, to Daniel Webster, Secretary 
of State of the United States J 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 12 Rio DE JANEIRO, November 8, 1842. 

SIR : The only reason why despatches from this legation have not been 
forwarded with the usual frequency is, that the great object of your instruc- 
tions and my efforts, the settlement of the Buenos Ayrean prize cases, was so 
situated that any information in regard to them would have been unimpor- 
tant, because it could not be certain or definitive. I am happy in being able 
now to inform you, that the long desired settlement and satisfaction of these 
claims are apparently about to be obtained. This result has been arrived at 
more by frequent conferences with the Secretary of foreign Affairs, than by a 
series of argumentative notes. . . . 

I understood him as adverting to the present state of public feeling here 
undoubtedly adverse, perhaps unjustly so, to Great Britain. If therefore in 
the correspondence now submitted, you find some allusions on my part not 
strictly connected with the main matter, and which good taste and legitimate 
logic would have excluded, you must pardon them on my confidential as- 
surance, that I deemed them, under circumstances, useful and expedient. 
It is necessary to raise up in this and every other American country an Amer- 
ican feeling, and to announce an American policy, of which, without arro- 
gance, we may and ought to be considered, in a fair degree, as the standard 
and champion. This has been my effort here in all my conferences, addresses 

* Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. 



DOCUMENT 557: DECEMBER 9, 1842 251 

and correspondence; and what I did not find at first, is now a prevalent 
feeling viz. a reference to us as the assertors of national rights and honor, 
as the favorers of a resistance to the European claim of treating the states 
of America as if still colonial, and as the opposers of the exaction of prefer- 
ences and the imposition of restrictions without equivalents or reciprocity. 
Brazilians have a fondness for the thought, that the policy of Britain aims 
equally at the destruction of our slave-holding proprietors and their own. 
They imagine a common cause, and rejoice in an informal alliance which 
obliges us to fight the battle, while they are equally entitled to the fruits of 
victory. . . . 

The question of tariff, mixed up as it is with the question of slavery in the 
British Parliament this grotesque junction of profit and philanthropy 
amuses while it irritates the Brazilians. They cannot understand what Sir 
Robert Peel calls the lure to be held out to Brazil, to be any thing less than 
the abolition of slavery to be compensated by a partial relaxation of duties. 
That is what they deem to be ruin. . . . 

I remain [etc.]. 



557 

William Hunter, United States Minister to Brazil, to Daniel Webster, Secretary 
of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 13 Rio DE JANEIRO, December 9, 1842. 

SIR: . . . Neither France nor England are yet entirely exorcised from the 
fantasy that America is but an experimental, and, for them, colonial or 
quasi colonial territory. Our policy is, or, I think, ought to be, in an entirely 
adverse direction. It ought to be a paramount and permanent policy work- 
ing by a steady rule, for the gradual relaxation and ultimate destruction of 
the colonial system of Europe, so far, at any rate, as regards our neighbour- 
hood, and all America is our neighbourhood. The idea of the balance of 
power in Europe only, ought now to be obsolete. The true system is the 
balance of power of the world, and this not a military but a commercial 
balance. In supporting this policy we shall get but poor help from any of the 
Spanish republics. If it could depend on the personal ability, good will and 
perfect coincidence of my colleague, General Guido, a great deal might be 
done. But he represents a gloomy and atrocious jacobin despotism. He is 
h ere a g 00 d an d great man only to save himself and family (as I believe) 
from the jealousy and murderous violence of the monster Rosas. Sarratea 

Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. ,,,,.- 

The omitted portions relate to the desirability of preventing England from obtaining 
renewed commercial favors without their becoming available also to the United States. 



252 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

in France, and Alvear in the United States, for the same reason, are real but 
honourable exiles. . . . 

I have some other matters to write upon, but I am afraid of fatiguing 
you and with unfeigned sentiments of high regard and respect, [etc.]. 



558 

William Hunter, United States Minister to Brazil, to Daniel Webster, Secretary 
of State of the United States x 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 16 Rio DE JANEIRO, January 31, 1843. 

SIR : Contrary to the calculations of some of the political speculators of 
this place, the legislative chambers assembled at the appointed time in De- 
cember. The preparatory process of forming the Chamber of Representa- 
tives, verifying the elections etc. was completed on the last day of the month, 
and the new year was ushered in by the junction of two galas the opening 
of the Chambers by the Emperor in person, and his reception afterwards at 
the Palace of the throng diplomatic, ministerial, legislative, clerical, mili- 
tary etc. who came to tender the usual congratulations of the season. The 
speech from the throne was somewhat elevated above the ordinary flatness 
of such compositions, by allusions to the intended marriage, to the two tran- 
sient and subdued rebellions of S* Paul's and the Mines, and the long con- 
tinued, and, it is feared, unconquerable one of Rio Grande. This last topic 
was introduced with some adroitness. The speech says "a certain portion 
of Rio Grande do Sul has now for more than a year enjoyed the blessings of 
peace, and I cherish the hope that these blessings will soon be extended to 
the whole province." . . . The speech afforded matter for serious contro- 
versy. . . . 

It was said that in regard to the exterior relations of the country, the 
speech was deceptive. It represented those relations as steady and peaceful, 
whereas they were in several instances quite the contrary. i* In regard to 
Montevideo, with which there existed, or ought to exist, serious difficulties, 
inasmuch as it is well known the rebellion of Rio Grande was fed from that 
quarter that not only supplies of arms, ammunition and provisions were 
furnished the rebels, but the pretended Republic of Piratanim has been at 
least virtually recognized, and its chief or President negotiated with, and his 
political and official character acknowledged and, furthermore, that a 
large extent of territory bordering on the province of Rio Grande, or making 
a part of it, the undoubted property of the Empire, was occupied by intruders 
and interlopers from the Oriental Republic. To talk, therefore, of the 

* Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. 



DOCUMENT 559: MARCH 31, 1843 253 

preservation of peace at all events coute gui coute compromiting the hon- 
our and dignity of the Empire etc. As to England was it the intention to 
make a new treaty with that power, and legalize and render permanent her 
maritime police of the coasts, the harbours, the bays etc. After having 
once yielded to British negotiators with a fleet in line of battle and with 
matches lighted, were we now to yield to an Ambassador Extraordinary and 
Special, attended by what old Frederic, King of Prussia, called his "yellow 
hussars" i.e. guineas. . . . 

I foresee the necessity, long and, I am apprehensive, tedious, as this 
despatch is, of soon addressing you again, and in the interim I remain [etc.]. 



559 

William Hunter, United States Minister to Brazil, to Daniel Webster, Secretary 
of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 18 Rio DE JANEIRO, March 31, 1843. 

SIR: ... It renewedly impresses me that the colonial policy of Europe 
can and ought to be shaken by the strong right and equity of the Brazilian 
claim. This immense country, destined to be perhaps forever an agricultural 
one, cannot consent to be restricted as it hitherto has been in its financial 
legislation, and at the same time be prohibited from the sale of its own pro- 
ductions in those countries from which it imports annually to the amount of 
six or more millions sterling. And yet it would be a perilous attempt for any 
Minister, French or English, having reference to Parliamentary manage- 
ment, to vested rights, or, if you please, to class interests, to break down, 
or even to impair, the colonial monopoly. In some of its aspects this is a new 
question, and I have thought fit to bring it up this second or third time to 
your attention, not because you had not long ago pondered it, but because 
it has assumed an activity and urgency which will have some effect on like 
questions in most countries, certainly in ours. The colonial policy of 
England, the necessary consequence of the navigation policy of Cromwell, 
was extended to its utmost pitch when the genius and patriotism of Canning 
favoured the emancipation of the colonies of Spain and Portugal, for the 
purpose of making these the quasi colonies of Great Britain without the 
expense of their maintenance as such, and without the communication of 
those benefits which, as ancient colonies connected with their mother coun- 
try, they were entitled to and had ever enjoyed. You have such information 
from sources the best and most various, that I only suggest as confirmatory 
of what, I presume, you have already discerned, that the nations of Europe 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. 



254 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

who possess no colonies viz. all Germany, all Italy, Belgium &c., are as- 
suming a language here and elsewhere that has a tendency of this sort 
"favour us we can and do admit all your productions freely for sale and 
consumption therefore favour us. Let us import at diminished duties, and 
in your scheme of taxation press on those who are comparatively unkind, 
selfish and arrogant towards you, or, in other words, who will not, or cannot, 
relax their inveterate system of colonial monopoly. " This language, I 
understand, has been used boldly by the Sardinian Minister, and with some 
skill, adroitness and reserve by the Belgian. If this Government had been 
encouraged to yield to these suggestions, it would, as I think, have embar- 
rassed itself, and subjected itself to all those mistakes inherent in a system of 
preferences, and inevitably brought about a scene of diplomatic contest and 
intrigue far from being agreeable or dignified. It would have been an auction 
of Brazilian favours, where the articles would have been worthless and the 
competition excessive. . . . 

With sentiments of the highest respect and regard [etc.] 



560 

William Hunter, United States Minister to Brazil, to John Tyler, President of 

the United States 1 

Rio DE JANEIRO, May ij, 1843. 

MY DEAR SIR: The temporary absence of the Secretary of this legation who 
has been obliged to retreat into the country for a few days on account of in- 
disposition makes it, inconvenient for me to transmit a public despatch to 
the Secretary of State. But I cannot suffer Cap* Wilson an intelligent and 
high-minded officer of our navy to depart for home, without requesting for 
him an opportunity to answer any interrogatories in regard to this and the 
adjoining countries you may think fit to address to him. Cap* Wilson has 
been here and at Monte Video and Buenos Ayres for a long time and during 
periods of uncommon interest and excitement. He has improved his oppor- 
tunities of information, and his opinions may be received as correct and 
enlightened. I have promised the Secretary tho it is somewhat out of 
my sphere I would give him some views as to the present condition and 
prospects of Monte Video Buenos Ayres and Paraguay. There have been 
movements on the part of England and soon will be on the part of France 
as to the last of these countries, which challenge our attention, and which 
perhaps render proper some proceedings on our part. The death of the 
Dictator Francia, has opened or will open Paraguay to the influences of com- 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 12. 

This document is filed among papers of May, 1842: but the date is clearly 1843. 



DOCUMENT 561: AUGUST 14, 1844 255 

merce and intrigue. It was as you well know a country more secluded even 
than China and the sagacious motives that awakened your early and earnest 
attention to the extension and security of our commercial relations with that 
country will justify your efforts in opening this untrodden path to mercantile 
enterprize and skill. I have had a hint from the Agent of Paraguay now at 
Buenos Ayres that propositions on our part would be at least as favorably 
entertained as those from any other Nation. As our position with this 
country is as favorable as we can desire I feel myself in good standing with 
the Emperor the Court the Ministers and the People. I am still in hopes 
that I shall be able to announce to you the allowance and adjustment of all 
our claims in time for your message to the next Congress. But this country 
is at once poor and extravagant, tedious and dilatory in its official forms, 
cautious in promise and slow very slow in performance. Wishing you 
most sincerely honor and success in your arduous career I remain [etc.]. 



561 

Henry A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to John C. Calhoun, Secretary 
of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 

Rio DE JANEIRO, August 14, 1844. 

SIR : . . . Time has not afforded me the opportunity as yet to obtain any 
insight into affairs here. But M T Proffit, who I must say has shown me every 
attention and seems to leave here with a large portion of esteem, is returning 
home immediately, and he can give you a much clearer view of matters than I 
can pretend to have acquired in so short a time. He tells me that there has been 
some anxiety for a short time past respecting a probability of war between 
this country and Buenos Ayres. It arose from rumors, and newspaper para- 
graphs and from the supposed objects of a visit to Rio by Gen. 1 Paz, late Mili- 
tary commander in Monte Video, and from certain indications of Gen* 
Guido, the Buenos Ayrean Minister here, all which M ? Proffit will best explain 
in person. The Mediation of England, France and Brazil is, perhaps, sought 
to end hostilities between Buenos Ayres and Monte Video; and it is surmised 
by some that the attempt will be made to reannex the latter country to 
Brazil. Nothing, however, is yet clearly developed, and when the true state 
of the case is known to me the Department shall be duly advised. . . . 

With the assurance of my highest regard [etc.]. 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 13. 

Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, the writer of this despatch, was commissioned envoy extraor- 
dinary and minister plenipotentiary, on February 8, 1844. His mission ended with the 
presentation of his successor's credentials on August 28, 1847. 



256 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

562 

Henry A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to Ernesto F. Franca, Minister 
of Foreign Affairs of .Brazil l 

Rio DE JANEIRO, September 24, 1844. 

The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of 
the United States of America, in conformity with the request of your Ex- 
cellency to have communicated to you in writing certain verbal explanations 
which he had the honor to make to you in person, now presents as succinct a 
summary of them as the nature of the subject will admit of, and as full as 
their importance requires. 

The Undersigned informed Your Excellency that he was instructed by the 
President of the United States to say to this Imperial Majesty's Government, 
that the mission to which he is appointed is regarded as the most important 
of any in this hemisphere That Brazil is ranked by the Government of the 
United States among the most wealthy, the greatest and most firmly estab- 
lished of all the American powers. That between her and the United States 
there is a strict identity of interests on almost all subjects, without conflict 
or competition on scarcely one. That, thus fortunately situated in reference 
to each other, there should ever be peace and the kindest feelings and relations 
between them. That to preserve the existing peace, and to cherish and 
strengthen these present kind feelings and relations, will be the first of the 
duties of the Undersigned. That, consequently, out of regard to the im- 
portance of this mission, to the rank and power and permanency of the Bra- 
zilian Empire, to the identity of its interests with ours, and to the perfect 
peace ever to be cherished between it and the United States, and to give the 
strongest expression of the highest respect for its good opinion and good un- 
derstanding; the Undersigned was furnished with a copy of the Treaty nego- 
tiated with Texas and the President's Message transmitting it to the Senate 
for its approval, with the accompanying documents; and he was instructed to 
embrace some early and suitable occasion to explain to the Brazilian Govern- 
ment the motives which led to the adoption of the measure at this time. He 
was instructed particularly to make it understand that this treaty originated 
in no feelings of disrespect or hostility to Mexico, and hence he was neces- 
sarily instructed to explain fully the President's convictions as to the views 
and policy of Great Britain in reference to Texas, especially as they relate 
to the subject of abolishing slavery there, and to point out the danger to 
which they would expose the United States, and the necessity it imposed on 
them to adopt the measure of the Treaty with Texas, as the only one which 
could effectually guard against it. He was instructed further to impress on 
the Brazilian Government the conviction that it is the policy of the United 
States to cultivate the most friendly relations with all the countries on this 

Despatches, Brazil, vol. 13, enclosed with Wise to Calhoun, below, this part, doc. 563. 



DOCUMENT 562: SEPTEMBER 24, 1844 257 

continent, and with none more than Brazil. That it is the most anxious 
desire of the United States to see them all settled down in peace, under well 
established governments, and employed in developing their great resources, 
and advancing in wealth, population, power and civilization, free from all 
interference from any quarter in the regulation and management of their domestic 
concerns. That it is the established policy of the United States not to inter- 
fere with the internal relations of any other country, and not to permit any 
other to interfere with theirs. That Brazil has the deepest interest in estab- 
lishing the same policy, especially in reference to the important relation 
between the European and African races as it exists with her and in the 
southern portion of our Union. That under no other can the two races live 
together in peace and prosperity in either country. That the avowed policy 
of Great Britain is to destroy that relation in both countries and throughout 
the world. That, if it should be consummated, it would destroy the peace 
and prosperity of both, and transfer ike production of tobacco, rice, cotton, 
sugar, and coffee from the United States and Brazil, to her possessions beyond 
the Cape of Good Hope. That to destroy it in either would facilitate its 
destruction in the other. Hence our mutual interest in resisting her inter- 
ference with the relation in either country, and hence also the importance 
of each country firmly opposing any attempt on the part of Great Britain to 
disturb the existing relations between the two races within their respective 
limits, and of each discountenancing any such attempts in that of the other. 
And the Undersigned was instructed to avail himself of the occasion to ex- 
press the satisfaction felt by the Government of the United States at the 
firm resistance made by the Brazilian Government against the attempt of 
Great Britain in the late negotiation, to make the abolition of slavery in 
Brazil a condition on which her sugar should be admitted on an equality in 
the British market with that produced in the Colonies of Great Britain. 

The Undersigned having, in the conversation referred to, faithfully de- 
tailed the foregoing instructions with which he was charged by his Govern- 
ment to this; in the discharge of his duty to explain the motives of his Gov- 
ernment in the adoption of the measure of the Treaty with Texas at this time, 
and to explain fully its convictions of the views and policy of Great Britain 
in reference to Texas, especially as they relate to the subject of abolishing 
slavery there, and to point out the danger to which they would expose the 
United States and the necessity it imposed on them to adopt this measure as 
the only one which could effectually guard against it, proceeded to assure 
Your Excellency that nothing was further from the motives or true interests 
and policy of the United States than the design imputed in certain quarters, 
to acquire either by force or fraud, or by encroachment or conquest, more of 
the territory or political jurisdiction of the North American Continent than 
they already possess. He added that, although conscious that the free 
federal institutions of the United States are inherently competent and 



258 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

adapted in their very nature to embrace a continent, or as many even of the 
people of the whole world as may choose to adopt them; although experience 
has fully proved that the Union of our States, instead of being weakened, has 
rather been consolidated by the extension of its boundaries and by the in- 
crease of its population, and by the multiplied variety of its local interests; 
although our country, notwithstanding the unparalleled rapidity and extent 
of its settlements, and its vast enlargement, is actually in a more compact 
state either for moral or physical action, owing to the wonderful agency of 
steam power and other causes, than it was when its inhabitants were com- 
pressed in the limits of its Atlantic seaboard and did not exceed the one 
fourth of its present number of 17 millions; and, although the United States, 
if they were actuated by a spirit of conquest, might probably succeed in any 
attempt at territorial aggrandizement in North America which ambition 
even might prompt yet they are not ambitious to add to their territory or 
to extend their dominion. They have millions of acres of yet unsettled 
lands, capable of the productions of every soil and climate, and which will 
not be thickly populated for centuries. They have room and space enough 
already in their present limits to perform all their moral obligations to 
minister to the peace and happiness of mankind ; and the great end of their 
policy for the past and present has been and is, rather than to acquire more 
domain, to improve and defend the heritage already allotted to them in the 
earth by a Gracious Providence, whose divine law of Christian morality they 
never have violated and never will, by acts either of rapacity or fraud against 
any nation neighbouring or remote. Among other cardinal principles which 
they have adopted for their defence is first one which was adopted in their 
early history, not to form entangling alliances or to meddle with the internal 
affairs of any nation, and not to permit any foreign interference with their 
own. Secondly, one which their experience soon taught them was next in 
importance, to encourage their sister nations of North & South America in 
the achievement and maintenance of independent governments adapted to 
the genius of their own people; and, thirdly, in self-defence, to oppose all 
attempts to subject such of these governments as had obtained or were 
struggling for independence, to the dominant influence and supremacy of 
European powers. Governed by these precepts of self preservation, the 
United States on the first occasions after their own establishment in the 
family of nations, failed not to recognize the de facto sovereignties of the 
several states of Mexico, and of Central and South America, as soon as their 
respective revolutions afforded reasonable guarantees of permanent success. 
And it was in behalf of Mexico herself, among others, that, when the Alliance 
of European Sovereigns threatened interference against her freedom and 
independence, James Monroe, then President of the United States, interposed 
the declaration of the U. S. that American States should be allowed to govern 
themselves independent of the authority of the old World. And from that 



DOCUMENT 562: SEPTEMBER 24, 1844 259 

day to this, the right to independence has not been denied to American 
States, nor have the terms of national existence been dictated to them from 
beyond the seas. Mexico succeeded in her revolution against Spain; in 1824 
established the form of a confederated republican Government; whilst 
unrecognized by Spain, performed all the functions of a Government dejure 
as well as a Government de facto; formed treaties and corresponded with the 
United States concerning the cession of a portion of her then territory com- 
prised within the very limits of the same state of Texas, without undergoing 
any other probation of sovereignty than Texas has undergone, and she cannot 
now point to the event, or change, or period which made herself independent, 
if Texas too is not now by analogy to be considered independent. Successful 
revolution gave her independence in fact, and time and established institu- 
tions, and general recognition, gave her independence of right. Successful 
revolution, and time, and general recognition, and established institutions, 
have given also the rights de facto and de jure to her once province of Texas. 
The questions, how the revolution of Texas was brought about, and how it 
came to succeed so well, would be foreign to this explanation, because they 
were internal affairs of Mexico and Texas with which the United States, upon 
their own principles, had no right to meddle, but for the fact that the imputa- 
tion is cast upon the United States of exciting and aiding the revolution by 
her own citizens. This charge is peremptorily denied, and Mexico's own 
history fully proves its error. By her own laws, passed at successive periods, 
she entered upon a systematic policy of colonization in Texas, and invited 
citizens from the United States to settle that province. It was separated 
from her by a broad extent of desert lands, difficult of passage by her own 
emigrants; it was far distant from her own populous parts; it was infested 
by hordes of the most warlike and hostile Indians; and her own people had 
not the arts of husbandry to subdue the wild lands, or the arms to subdue the 
savage foe. She, therefore, offered such lures to settlers from among the 
hardy frontier population of the United States as to tempt them to leave the 
soil of their own native land for the rich boons which she held forth by her 
repeated invitations to settle in Texas. At the time they were thus tempted 
to forsake the institutions of a free and prosperous country, the strange land 
of Mexico was made more inviting still, by having adopted, in 1824, an en- 
lightened and liberal confederation of states similar to that of the United 
States. Texas was a component part of one of those Mexican states, and 
as such retained, according to a true understanding of the federal constitution 
of 1824, a relative part of the national Sovereignty, such as any one of the 
states of the United States now retains under their system of government. 
After the American emigrants had taken up their abodes in Texas, after their 
families and fortunes had become fixed in destiny with Mexico, after being 
tempted to settle her borders and to defend them from the scalping-knife, 
just as they had sown and reaped and planted their hopes as well as their 



260 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

crops in that country, a revolution sprang forth in it, not from them, but from 
the very power and persons in Mexico which now arraign them as rebels. 
The constitutional Confederation of 1824 was overthrown by the physical 
force of usurpation; the promise to them of free institutions was broken; the 
chief glory and only gladness of their new homes were destroyed; and the 
only hope left to them was that of time and chance for resistance. Not 
resistance to the regular, the constitutional and lawful free government of 
Mexico; but resistance to a usurpation which overthrew and destroyed the 
only lawfully constituted power and the last vestige of liberty in Mexico. 
Texas alone adhered faithfully to the Constitutional Government. Texas 
alone held aloft the standard of true National Sovereignty of Mexico; and 
she alone became invested with whatever remnant of that sovereignty survived in 
her true faith to the Constitutional Confederation of 1824. Those who invaded 
the province of Texas, then, invaded no less than the lawful sovereignty of 
Mexico. That was the impregnable national position which Texas at once 
assumed, and which she maintained successfully in arms. She, in fact, at 
the battle of San Jacinto, conquered and captured the usurper of the sover- 
eign power of Mexico. Who then was invested with that sovereignty? Not 
the sovereignty of Texas, but that of all Mexico? The Province or the State 
of Texas might well then claim, as she did, the complete investiture of full 
national power, not as belonging to her new so much as to her old existence. 
She has since claimed it as of right, for her new existence independent of her 
former sister states of Mexico which bowed down their sovereignties before 
the reign of usurpation. She released General Santa Anna on the condition, 
doubtless, that his Government de facto would recognize and acknowledge 
her government de jure. He passed in safety through the United States 
back to his seat of power. If he ever made any promise to General Houston, 
Texas has not yet reaped the blessings of peace in its redemption, though she 
has fully maintained her independence without its fulfillment. It is true 
that during this revolution many of the People of the United States some 
of them under claim of the right of expatriation, a right for which the United 
States have once declared war, and for which they will ever contend in 
behalf of their citizens by impulses the most natural, flew to assist their 
former countrymen, their friends and their kindred in Texas to battle for 
constitutional law and liberty. And so extended is the line of the Texas 
border on the United States, and so accessible from every point to volunteers 
in her service, that it was physically impossible to prevent their passing the 
line unless the United States had then maintained a vastly larger standing 
army than she ever has maintained, or ever ought to establish in time of 
peace, and unless the whole of that army had been concentrated on the Texas 
frontier. But it is nevertheless true that the Government of the United 
States did issue its proclamations of neutrality, and observed them too most 
scrupulously in its orders to its district Attornies and to its Marshals, and in 



DOCUMENT 562: SEPTEMBER 24, 1844 26l 

stationing all the troops which could be spared for the command near the 
Texas line to preserve the relations of peace and noninterference with both 
Texas and Mexico. They could no more prevent their citizens from seizing 
arms and rushing to the aid of Texas, than they could prevent them from 
assisting the Patriots of the British possessions in the Canadas or of the 
States of South America. They went to all these foreign wars on their own 
responsibility, and at their own risk, and without the countenance or con- 
nivance of their Government. The Government of the United States stood 
aloof from the contest, and left Mexico unmolested and unobstructed to 
pursue her attempt to subjugate the province of Texas. Events proved how 
vain that attempt was. The Texans volunteers from the U. States and all 
counted against immense odds in number and discipline of troops, over- 
whelmed the Mexicans with defeat, and entirely crushed all general or regular 
invasion from that time to this. After the decisive battle of San Jacinto, the 
U. States did not hesitate to recognize Texas; and so has England, and so has 
France, and so have other powers since recognized her as independent. Thus 
revolutionized and thus invaded ; having thus decisively achieved the victory 
of the laws and liberties of Mexico herself over the usurpers of her sovereignty, 
and being thus recognized as an independent sovereignty, either by deriva- 
tion of right from the constitution of 1824, or de novo in fact it matters not 
which Texas almost immediately, by a nearly unanimous suffrage of her 
people, actually polled, offered to incorporate herself into the Federal Union 
of the U. States by treaty or act of cession. To have accepted this cession 
in the first instance, would have been on the part of the United States but the 
most natural act of a mother in taking back to her bosom her abused and 
oppressed offspring; and if the U. States had sought the acquisition of Texas 
for its own sake, and for their selfish aggrandizement, they would, surely, 
have availed themselves of that favorable moment. But no : they subjected 
all natural affections to the control of state policy ; and knowing that however 
justifiable might be the act of cession, it would be imputed to improper 
motives ; and wisely preferring in fact an affiliated independent Republic on 
their South Western borders, to additional territory; they abstained from the 
acquisition ; and left the de facto independence of Texas, if de facto independ- 
ence merely it was, to be matured and perfected into de jure independence 
by the establishment of permanent institutions, and by the probation of time 
and of continued war. This was in the year 1836. And what has since 
transpired in her history? She has organized a well regulated government, 
less fluctuating than that of Mexico; she has established treaties and com- 
mercial relations with the principal powers of the world; she has been free 
from invasion by Mexico for eight years; she has in fact twice invaded 
Mexico, instead of being invaded by her; and the hostilities between them 
have notoriously descended so far below the dignity of real war, as to be 
worthy only of the name of mere border feuds, characterized by no mark of 



262 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

humanity or civilization, and so barbarous and savage as to have become an 
actual nuisance to their neighbours, and disgraceful to the family of nations 
permitting its continuance. Mexico is torn by intestine troubles, is deeply 
in debt chiefly to Great Britain, and exhausted her power of subjugating 
Texas in her very first expedition. Texas was very small and weak in 
resources at first; has now not more than about 100,000 population to bear a 
public debt of from ten to, perhaps, twenty millions of dollars; and her con- 
tinued war with Mexico cuts her off from the fruits of foreign commerce, 
from the sale of her domain, and from all other resources to relieve her from 
direct taxation. The constant threats of Mexico keep her productive classes 
in continual armor. In a word they are both exhausted, and each is power- 
less without foreign aid or intervention, to accomplish any grand result 
tending either towards conquest or a termination of hostilities; and neither 
will yield. In this condition of the two countries, the U. States most dis- 
interestedly proposed to England and France a joint mediation to effect their 
peace. The former declined the proposal for a joint, but immediately 
entered upon a separate intercession, and alone brought about the armistice 
between them. Prior to this event, which afterwards in its development 
became significant, the U. States Government began to understand from 
various quarters the action and motives of England in reference to Texas. 
Many sources of intelligence, private and public, confirmed the President of 
the U. States in the conviction that England was meditating and endeavour- 
ing to effect certain ends which would not only subject the policy of both 
Mexico and Texas to her influence and views, but be directly and alarmingly 
detrimental, both internally and externally, to the most vital interests of the 
United States themselves In fact, that the chief aim of England's move- 
ments was to destroy the institution of Slavery in the Southern States of the 
Union, to strike a fatal blow at their production of sugar and cotton for the 
benefit of the trade of her own colonies, and thus, and in other ways, to 
weaken their power of national defence in time of war. The evidences on 
this point are too numerous and minute to detail. But it is sufficient for the 
present purpose to adduce that the President understands the Earl of Aber- 
deen as officially since acknowledging what the President was informed of 
before the treaty was made, that England had interposed to arrange the 
armistice between Texas and Mexico, that it was desirable on the part of 
England that Texas should abolish slavery as a condition of her peace and 
independence, that England would do all in her power by such means as she 
deemed lawful and proper to abolish slavery throughout the world, and that 
her objects were " purely commercial ". Information of these designs, and 
the further information and belief that England's modus operandi would be 
by her intercession to procure the acknowledgment by Mexico of the peace 
and independence of Texas by the latter paying to the former a given sum 
equal at least in amount to the slaves in Texas (about 12000) on condition 



DOCUMENT 562 : SEPTEMBER 24, 1844 263 

that Texas would emancipate her slaves ; and that England would guarantee 
her boundary and independence, and assume her debt to Mexico on condition 
of certain commercial equivalents which would favor the trade of Great 
Britain in her ports; This, or some similar arrangement, would 

I s * Abolish slavery in Texas. 

2 4 It would interpose a perpetual barrier against annexation or cession 
by Texas to any other power. 

3? It would give England the monopoly of her trade and the controul of 
her measures. 

And what would be the effect of all these results on the United States? 

It is hard to tell what evil to them it would not engender and put into 
immediate and malignant action. By looking at the map of North America 
and seeing the relative location of Texas and the slave-holding and cotton & 
Sugar growing states of the U. States, no one could fail to remark the natural 
consequences almost certain to ensue. The United States have among their 
population of 17,069,000, slaves to the number of 2,487,455; the whole of 
these are located in the Southern and South Western States ; two of these 
South Western States and the Indian Territory of the U. States, are co- 
terminous with Texas for from 600 to 800 miles; and emigration and access 
are easy from the four states of Louisiana, Arkansas, Mississippi and Mis- 
souri, which contain no less than 442,0.88 slaves, and also from the Indian 
Territory in almost juxtaposition to Texas. All the sugar of the U. States 
is grown in Louisiana, and all the cotton is grown in the Southern and South 
Western states. The sugar and cotton plantations of the South West, par- 
ticularly those neighboring to Texas, are the chief markets which support the 
price and value of slaves. And Texas and the South Western frontier of the 
U. States are populated by innumerable tribes of Indians, most of whom are 
wild, untutored and warlike, and many of whom are savage and hostile, and 
who range through trackless prairies which abound in herds of buffaloes & 
all other game for their provisions, and who have inaccessible mountains in 
their background to fly to refuge in case of pursuit. Such is the geographical 
and such the civil and social relation of the U. States to Texas. And from 
it is deduced: 

i 8 * That the abolition of slavery in Texas would at once greatly impair 
and finally utterly destroy the institution of slavery in the United States. 
To abolish slavery in Texas under the regulation of England's policy which 
declares that a slave, fugitive or otherwise, shall be free the moment he sets 
his foot on her soil, and which makes her colonial possessions in Canada, 
though hundreds of miles distant from the nearest slave state in the U. States, 
the asylum for fugitive slaves from the U. States at the rate, as is computed 
by the Abolition Societies, of 1000 per annum, and which has refused to 
deliver up and afforded protection and a place of refuge to^slaves who have 
even mutinied and cut their masters' throats^on board an^ American ship and 



264 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

sailed into her port would be at once to make Texas a territory of refuge to 
the slaves of the U. States, escaping either from bondage or from crime. 

This would render slave property so precarious as to destroy its value in 
the Chief Cotton & Sugar plantations of the U. States, and consequently 
destroy its value throughout the whole country dependent on them for the 
only market where slaves command a considerable price. And to destroy 
slave property is at once to destroy the production of cotton and sugar both 
in Texas and in the U. States, for they can be produced only by slaves. 

2 diy it i s obvious also that the control of Texas by England, and the de- 
struction of slavery and its products of cotton and sugar in Texas & the U 
States, would incalculably strengthen Great Britain and disable the U. 
States in case of war. The export of cotton to England is the peacemaker, in 
the first place, between her and the U. States. Her operatives would become 
starving insurgents without the subjects matter [sic] of labor sent to her 
from them. As long as she is thus dependent upon the U. States for security 
at home from her rebellious paupers, the U. States need not apprehend 
wrongs tending to war. Again, it is the wealth and medium of exchange of 
the U. States in her foreign trade with England, and it is the raw material at 
home which supplied the domestic factories which so successfully rival her 
manufactures throughout the world. She would of course strike from under 
the U. States this basis of independence, of security for peace, and of wealth, 
and thereby aggrandize the wealth and power and monopoly of her East 
India Colonies, to the slavery of which her philanthropy does not extend. 
Philanthropy is for the Atlantic and West, Commerce for the Pacific and 
East, Monopoly for England. England would not make Texas her colony 
or province, if she could; but she prefers to make her a dependency and 
proteg, because then she would not have to bear the expense of her govern- 
ment and would not be responsible for her acts ; at the same time she would 
obtain all the advantages which she could expect from her in a colonial state. 
But to make Texas her dependency would lay the U. States open to her in- 
vasion through the medium of Texas, along a frontier very difficult to defend, 
in immediate contact with the mouth of the Mississippi which is the key to a 
trade of at least 80 millions of exports now, and is the mare clausum to the 
waters of the richest and largest and destined soon to be the most populous 
portion of the U. States the Great Valley of the Mississippi without 
which the acquisition of Louisiana would be comparatively worthless. And 
all this dangerous power, too, to be placed not only at the most tender point, 
but at a point surrounded by savages which England has never failed to 
employ in her wars against the U. States, and filled with negro slaves of the 
worst character in the country fit for the incendiarism of England's mighty 
Abolition Societies which hold World Conventions in London, a philan- 
thropic parliament at Exeter Hall, and which have doubtless, had a much 
larger influence with the British Cabinet in reference to this Texas question 



DOCUMENT 562: SEPTEMBER 24, 1844 265 

than they are willing to acknowledge, and which are doing much mischief 
with their secret golden influence in other countries besides the U. States, 
against the laws of nations, for which England is not willing to be held 
responsible. The truth is that if England had succeeded in thus making 
Texas her dependency and a point of imminent danger to the U. States, she 
would, have completed a cordon of power which she has steadily been forming 
around the United States from their earliest existence. She has the Canadas 
on the north; her possessions in the North West occupied by her Hudson's 
Bay Company and claiming U. States territory Southward indefinitely; on 
the East, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, and her naval power on the 
Atlantic; on the South East she has converted the island of Bermuda into a 
Gibraltar for the command of the outlet of the Gulph of Mexico, and South 
she has her West India Islands. She has ever been aiming to obtain posses- 
sion of Cuba; and it is said, and it is thought correctly, that she is at this 
moment striving to obtain from Mexico a cession of California. To have 
made a lodgement of power in Texas would have completed her chain of 
position and influence which would have wound round the U. States the coils 
of an Anaconda from which there was no escape but in death. The U. 
States would have been allowed no peace. If peace; in peace, nothing but 
submission, sacrifice and dishonor ; if war was forced upon her, in war nothing 
but disaster and defeat. 

3 dly The subjection of Texas to English power and policy, located as she 
is, would make it impossible for the U. States ever duly to enforce her revenue 
laws, and to collect her tariff of duties upon English goods. England pro- 
hibits every article from the U. States which she is not obliged to take, and 
taxes every article which she does take from them most onerously. The 
U. States have been obliged to lay duties on her products not only for revenue 
but for protection. The long line of Texas border, indented by a thousand 
rivers and passes, in a, new and sparsely populated country, would afford 
every facility and temptation among frontier settlers, to greatly impair if not 
to destroy the effect of our revenue and protective laws, and to introduce 
English goods by smuggling ad libitum. This would inevitably be the effect 
of any thing like a reciprocal free trade with Texas, whilst a restrictive and 
prohibitory system with the U. States would be persevered in by England. 

4 th1 ? The perpetual guarantee by England of the Independence & 
boundary of Texas, would forever deprive Texas and the U. States of the 
power by cession, or treaty or otherwise, to escape from these British toils. 
Texas could never be permitted to merge her separate existence, her distinct 
boundary and title of territory, under any circumstances hereafter, however 
oppressive they might be, in those of the U. States. After allowing England 
the lion's share of such a treaty with Mexico, to attempt a union with the 
U. States, or any other power, would be to raise a question of war, not with 
Mexico but with Great Britain. The U. States would shrink no more from 



266 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

war with the one power than from war with the other ; no more from war with 
England, than England would from war with her, whenever good causes 
might justify its necessity; but the meaning of the undersigned is, that now 
Mexico has no just cause of war; then, in case of the English guarantee and 
treaty with Texas supposed, Great Britain would have just ground for resist- 
ing by arms any union thereafter of Texas with the U. States. It would be to 
interpose a legitimate obstacle and perpetual barrier to a measure which even 
might be wise and desirable and justifiable hereafter, if it is not now, in the 
policy of the U. States, and a barrier backed too by the most formidable 
power on earth, when there is no such obstacle or barrier existing now in the 
rights of one of even, the weakest powers on earth. 

5*. h The last but not the least bad effect upon the U. States would be, that 
their settled American policy first adverted to in this explanation, would be 
entirely subverted. England would have subjected Texas, an independent 
North American state, to her supremacy and domination. England would 
in fact have so modified and limited the sovereignty of Texas as to have con- 
trolled it by her power; leaving her nationality alone unimpaired, she would 
have made her a dependency without charge for her debts and expenditures, 
and without responsibility for her acts ; and England would have interfered 
with and obtained a control and influence over the external and internal 
affairs and interests of the United States, of the most vital importance, to a 
degree incalculable, and the most obnoxious, offensive, weakening and 
oppressive. 

In apprehension of all these baneful consequences to the peace and 
prosperity of the United States, from this new and changed aspect of rela- 
tions with Texas, their government felt itself bound, as guardians of the 
country's defence, to propose or to accept the measure of annexation as the 
only one left to avert dangers so alarming and so threatening, and one to be 
entered upon at once without hesitation or delay. If Mexico could have 
reconquered Texas; or, if Texas could probably have held out against the 
tempting terms of peace proposed to her by Great Britain, and could have 
maintained an unshackled and sovereign independence; if European inter- 
ference had forborne its arts and influence; if the U. States had not them- 
selves been endangered ; they would willingly have preferred to stand aloof, 
except so far as to interpose their friendly offices to mitigate the horrors of 
war and to promote peace, and would have left time and events to determine 
the contest between Mexico and Texas. But when they could no longer shut 
their eyes to the fact that the most powerful government of Europe and the 
world, that England with all the watchfulness and wisdom of her diplomacy, 
with all her lust for universal dominion, with her philanthropic zeal for uni- 
versal emancipation of slaves, with her " purely commercial views," with her 
gold and her immense naval power, with her jealousy of the growing grandeur 
of the U. States and her inveterate opposition and prejudice to American 



DOCUMENT 563: OCTOBER II, 1844 267 

interests, had waited until two American states were both fairly exhausted by 
protracted war and revolution, until one of them was largely indebted to her 
and the other was overburthened with loans, to avail herself of their weak- 
ness to secure to herself, by separate intervention, all the advantages of their 
peace, to the perpetual injury of their neighbors and friends; when the U. 
States saw that England was about to strike a blow at "her own domestic in- 
stitutions at her revenue laws at her commerce and manufactures 
her cotton her sugar her power of preserving peace her power of defence 
in war; when they began to entertain a suspicion even of this, they could no 
longer pause for the dilatory movements of powerless Mexico & of struggling 
Texas, but were bound to act in the majesty of their own strength, and truly 
like the young Sampson of North America, to burst the cordon of power with 
which England was preparing to bind their strength. Without hostility to 
Mexico, without fraud and without force, without an ambitious motive to 
aggrandize their power or to increase their territory; but with the most dis- 
interested friendship to American supremacy in America at least, which 
neither Mexico nor Texas were likely to maintain, they were compelled to re- 
sort to the measure of annexation, with the free and full consent of Texas, on 
the purest principles of natural and of national law of self-defence and self 
preservation. 

The Senate of the U. States has since seen fit in its wisdom to reject the 
treaty of Annexation. It is not proper for the undersigned to discuss the 
reasons of its rejection; they are of a character entirely domestic to the U. 
States. And the Undersigned is not instructed to say whether negotiations 
for the same end will be renewed or relinquished by his Government. But 
he may congratulate his country, at all events, if the mere attempt of this 
measure will have the effect to break the spell of English diplomacy over the 
North American Continent, and to warn all American states, North and 
South, of the influence still sought to be established by Europe over their 
destiny, and of the means whereby it is to be exerted and perpetuated. 

The Undersigned, begging pardon for the length of this despatch, takes 
pleasure [etc.]. 



563 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to John C. Calhoun, Secretary 
of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 

Rio DE JANEIRO, October u, 1844. 

SIR: . . . Several weeks ago, it was communicated to me that a few days 
previously to the lo*. 11 of Septf when Capt* Voorhes [Voorhees] sailed for the La 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 13. 



PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

Plata, the English Commodore Purvis requested him/Capt* V./to take sundry 
stores to the English squadron at Monte-Video, assigning as a reason for not 
sending them by the English ship America, Capt* Gordon, which had lately 
sailed from this port, that it was desirable she should not stop or be delayed 
on her passage around the Cape Horn, as that ship was to join the English 
squadron in the Pacific as soon as possible, in the expectation that a treaty 
would be concluded immediately between England & Mexico whereby the 
latter was to cede to the former the country of California. Certain it is that 
Capt* Voorhes took the stores, and Mr. Hamilton expressed his acknowledg- 
ments of the kindness to my Secretary, Mr. Walsh . But hearing that Capt* 
Voorhes had himself written home what was said to him by Commodore 
Purvis, and not trusting to the truth or probability of what thus carelessly 
fell from that high functionary, I have omitted until now the mention of the 
circumstance of this rumor. I should not, however, be surprised if, not- 
withstanding England's horror of the cession by Texas, she should make it 
the pretext of a cession by Mexico. . . . 

There are no developments as yet of a disposition on the part of Brazil to 
open new negotiations with any of the Powers. No intimations have been 
given me, except that it will be impossible for England ever to obtain another 
treaty so favorable as the last, and all nations will probably be placed upon 
an equal footing. The U. States, at all events, have no reason whatever to 
apprehend any injustice from Brazil. 

With the highest regard and esteem [etc.]. 



564 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to John C. Calhoun, Secretary 
of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 

Rio DE JANEIRO, October 11, 1844. 

SIR: The accompanying papers will show you what I have been doing in 
the business of this mission. The paper marked N 9 1 is a copy of the letter 
which I deemed it my duty to address to the Gov* of Brazil on the subject of 
the Texas treaty. 2 I trust that, neither transcending nor coming short of 
your instructions, it will meet with your approbation. The subject was 
difficult for me to manage after its change of aspect since my departure from 
the U. States. To some my letter may appear to partake of the tone of the 
partizan against Great Britain. In the sense of a partizan of American 
interests and influence, in opposition to those of England or any other Euro- 

1 Despatches, Brazil,- vol. 13. 

For this very remarkable, long document, see above, this part, doc. 562; and for the 
instruction under which he was acting, see above, pt. in, doc. 460. 



DOCUMENT 565: NOVEMBER I, 1844 269 

pean power, I am willing that it should so appear. There is no doubt but 
what sympathy enough with that feeling is to be found in the Government 
and among the people of Brazil. Their partiality to the U. States is appar- 
ent, and no less manifest is their distrust of Great Britain. M ? Franga, 
Secretary of State, in my personal interview with him did not withold the 
expression of his approval of the measure of the treaty with Texas by the 
Gov* of the U. States. ... 

With the highest consideration and respect [etc.]. 



565 

Henry A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to John C. Calhoun, Secretary 
of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 7 Rio DE JANEIRO, November I, 1844. 

SIR: . . . I submit with all deference that an instruction to me, drawn in rath- 
er peremptory terms, and calling for prompt decision and settlement would 
have a good effect in favor of our claims, if based on some such flattering ground 
as a disposition to remove every obstacle to still closer relations with Brazil. 
I say this the more confidently, because the turn given to this conversation 
by M r Franca himself, more than intimated a wish for a stronger connexion 
with the U. States than any which has ever yet existed. I cannot in this letter 
detail our conversation fully, and I do not know that I exactly comprehend 
the precise end of certain enquiries he addressed to me. Besides other ques- 
tions of less importance, he asked me directly: What the U. States would 
do, in conjunction with Brazil, for the protection of American interests and 
policy generally, and to prevent the intervention of Europe in American 
affairs? I replied that I was neither prepared nor instructed to answer any 
specific meaning of his question, if he designed it to signify any thing beyond 
general relations. But in the general, I was at all times prepared to say, 
both as an American citizen & Minister, that the U. States were always ready 
& willing, as they ever had been, to protect and cherish American interests 
and policy, both for their own sake and as opposed to those of Europe; and 
that to do so most effectually, the first precept of their policy was to enter 
into no entangling alliances. They had been eminently successful by freeing 
themselves from all treaties that would necessarily involve them in the dif- 
ferences and difficulties of other nations, or that would cramp their energies 
or contract their resources at home, and they had by wise internal regulations 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 13. 

Wise's previous despatches, discussing matters pertinent to this publication, bear no 
serial numbers. 



270 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

so strengthened & magnified themselves as now to have become by their 
very existence a strong defense of American interests and policy. And this 
course they would not fail to commend to every state in North & South 
America. They should first make themselves entirely free & independent of 
Europe free from the bondage of their debts, from their treaties, their 
alliances & wars, and as independent as possible of their trade and the neces- 
sities of their social and political condition. That American states should 
favor each other in all respects, rather by interchange of good offices and by 
mutual regulations at home to unshackle trade, to encourage science, letters, 
& the mechanic arts, to promote and even to compel peace among themselves, 
to insure & secure the just & prompt administration of their international 
rights, to encourage commerce, to facilitate emigration & immigration with 
the rights of expatriation, to protect the freedom of the seas, and to maintain 
neutral rather than belligerent rights, and to improve, at every expense & 
trouble, their own agriculture, and their own internal communication, and 
to encourage & foster their own industry. He immediately referred to the 
instance of the war now existing between Monte Video & Buenos-Ayres, 
annoying every other nation & weakening themselves. He said Monte Video 
was so reduced as to be knocking at the doors of England & France for as- 
sistance, and asked whether the U. States would not unite with Brazil in 
putting an end to that war by force, if necessary, rather than permit England 
or France to interpose and acquire a dominant influence in the Platte [Plata] 
country? I said that the U. States had long ago assumed & acted on the 
policy to prevent European intervention in the wars of North America, and 
they had once interposed to protect South American states; and I had no 
doubt but that they would approve of the same course on the part of Brazil 
in this instance, and would interpose their own good offices to arrest the war 
of Monte Video & Buenos Ayres. I added that I would ask for instructions 
what to say on the whole subject. Already has the blockade of Monte 
Video involved our Navy in the very unpleasant necessity of capturing the 
whole Buenos Ayrean Squadron. The conduct of Capt* Voorhes in that 
affair has not only been universally approved, but is rejoiced at here, so 
weak & irregular is the blockade, so futile are the means to enforce it, so 
wanton is the whole war and so ridiculous & at the same time so uncivilized 
is the mode of conducting it. In fact it is a purely personal contest between 
Rosas & Rivera, of unmitigated revenge and unbridled ambition, equally 
injurious to American interest and dishonoring to the American name. It 
has no prospect either of speedy termination. Rosas would not be favorably 
impressed with the interposition of Brazil, because the latter is suspected, 
unjustly I believe, of a design to acquire Monte Video. England as the 
former mediator between Brazil & Monte Video is bound to guarantee the 
independence of Monte Video, and this guarantee is a basis for her inter- 
vention now, which Brazil is desirous to prevent. The U. States is, therefore, 



DOCUMENT 566: NOVEMBER 13, 1844 

looked to as the power whose interposition would be regarded the most 
favorably by all parties, and would probably be the most successful. Indeed 
I have been appealed to from various quarters, to know why the U. States 
would not interpose their good offices, by remonstrance or otherwise, against 
this war. Rosas has formerly disapproved of the conduct of the Commodore 
of his squadron, has exculpated Capt^ Voorhes from all blame, it is said, [A 
footnote, referring to this, reads: "I am just better informed that this is a 
mistake." Editor.] and would listen gladly to terms for peace coming from 
the U. States. M- Brent is there now and might be empowered to mediate. 
Or, as has been suggested, I might be instructed to accompany a special 
agent from this court. I seek no such additional duty, but if it is thought 
best to adopt that mode, in case any be adopted, I would cheerfully consent 
to take upon myself the mission. It would take but a short time, about forty 
days, to go down to the river, do all that could be done, and return. But 
these are mere suggestions which I submit to the better judgment of the 
Department. My main object is to impress the idea that a direct intimation 
has been made to me here, that the opportunity is now afforded for the U. 
States to manifest a leading interest in South American affairs, and the wish 
is openly expressed for them to do so much to their advantage. How far it 
is their policy to do so, and by what mode, the President will, doubtless, 
rightly judge. ... 
I have the honor [etc.]. 

566 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to John C. Calhoun, Secretary 
of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 8 Rio DE JANEIRO, November zj, 1844. 

Sir: . . . We have heard nothing certain from Monte Video lately, but the 
rumor is that the blockading squadron having admitted English, French & 
Brazilian vessels with the understanding that they were not to take in con- 
traband articles, Capt* Voorhes notified the Buenos Ayrean Commander 
that he was no party to such understanding and would not consent to a 
partial blockade. That, if French, English & Brazilian or any other mer- 
chant vessels were admitted, those from the U. States should be allowed to 
enter. And, insisting upon & enforcing this point, the U. States Merchant- 
men were admitted and the blockade was consequently broken up. The 
rumor is, also, that the blockading squadron having fired at a boat of the 
frigate Congress with the U. States flag hoisted, whilst fishing, Capt* 
Voorhes fired in return two of his guns at the vessel aggressing. A letter 
from M r Watterson to me, dated Oct r 24^, says that there is no more pros- 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 13. 



272 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

pect of a termination of that war in the Plata than when he first sat his foot 
on the shores of S. America. He adds " it is a most savage struggle and 
conducted in a most savage manner/' and no one can form a correct opinion 
as to what the result will be. M* Brent had not then arrived. The Cor- 
vette Boston is now here. 

With the highest respect [etc.]. 



567 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to John C. Calhoun, Secretary 
of State of the United States x 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 9 Rio DE JANEIRO, December 14, 1844. 

Sir: The last Despatch from the Department, of a copy of the letter ad- 
dressed to M ? King at Paris on the subject of our relations with Texas, was 
duly received; 2 and I shall omit no proper occasion to impress its views upon 
the persons of this court, and upon others within the sphere of my action and 
correspondence whose favorable opinions & influences it may be desirable 
for the U. States to have in respect to them. . . . 

With the highest personal regard & official respect [etc.]. 



568 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to John C. Calhoun, Secretary 
of State of the United States 3 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 10 Rio DE JANEIRO, January 12, 184.5. 

SIR: . . . The Emperor is himself too young to control state-affairs, & the 
problem is who can influence those who influence him. His present Cabinet 
is decidedly liberal, not to say constitutional, or republican, or democratic, 
in its sentiment & feeling, and well disposed towards us; but the Emperor is 
suspicious of the jealousy of those who are of the old r6gime, and the Cabinet 
has to be cautious not to alarm ancient prejudices too much by manifesting 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 13. 

2 No such communication is recorded in the volume containing the instructions addressed 
by the Department of State to the legation in Brazil, nor is there any reference to it. The 
communication to King, at Paris, referred to, is probably the long instruction of August 12, 
1844, to him, on the subject, though there was a brief one addressed to him, on August 26, 
1844, on the same subject, for both of which see, below, the volume and part containing 
Communications to France. 

3 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 13. 

Omitted portions discuss England's attitude toward slavery and the slave trade, and 
especially England's interference with the United States in such matters. 



DOCUMENT 569: FEBRUARY 25, 1845 273 

any extraordinary zeal to favor the U. States. An American policy is a 
favorite topic with those whom I meet. That means with them what I 
would have it mean. The U. States & Brazil are the two elder states of 
North & South America, and are in a moral sense responsible for the whole 
family of States in the New World. They urge upon me the interposition of 
the U. States in the affairs of Monte Video & Buenos Ayres my invariable 
reply is, that Brazil has precedence of friendly offices or of interposition in 
South America; the U. States has enough to do to protect American policy in 
the North American Continent. Then, the understanding the U. States 
should have with Brazil is, that each will preserve its complete independence 
of Europe; neither should yield any thing unequal in commerce or naviga- 
tion, or in taxation for revenue, and both should firmly defend their institu- 
tions from foreign interference. They seem to comprehend this, & espe- 
cially that it is in all respects to their interest, if not to favor, not to impair 
the good understanding with us. ... 

The affairs of Monte Video and Buenos Ayres remain in statu quo not 
ante bellum, but in the same state they have been in ever since the war 
began. I trust that our Gov- will attach no blame whatever to Captain 
Voorhees for his conduct in the La Platte; & that the reply to Rosas will be 
that Comd? 5 Turner has, by restoring every thing to B. Ayres with proper 
explanations, made ample atonement. It is absurd to talk to those near the 
scene of that war, of further reparation to belligerents who deserve the name 
rather of buccaneers banded for murder & piracy under civilized forms. I 
repeat, that war ought to be arrested. Our Consul, M ? Hamilton, has justi- 
fied Capt^ Voorhees. The action of Comd Turner was taken under my 
advice. My view was that Capt n Voorhees had treated Capt 9 Filton & Gen 1 . 
Oribe as they deserved, but Comd Turner had to deal amicably with 
B. Ayres. This he has done, & they should be satisfied. . . . 

With the highest regard and esteem [etc.]. 



569 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to John C. Calhoun, Secretary 
of State of the United States x 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 12 Rio DE JANEIRO, February 25, 1845. 

SIR: . . . In a short note of Jan? 21 s * M r Brent 2 inclosed to me the copy 
herein sent of a letter of instructions from the Gov* of the Argentine Con- 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 13. 

2 Not included in this publication. Its contents are here sufficiently explained. For the 
Argentine Government's order of January 1 1 which it enclosed, see above, vol. i , pt. n, doc. 
130, note 2, p. 252. 



274 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

federation to Admiral Brown, Commander of their squadron off Monte 
Video, dated Jan? 1 1 *. h , directing a strict blockade of that place & Maldonado. 
By a letter from our Consul at Monte Video received at the same time, I was 
informed that on the I5*. h of Jan 3 : Admiral Brown notified the Commanders 
of the foreign ships of war on that station, that he had received orders from 
his Gov- to enforce a rigorous blockade of Monte Video & Maldonado, to 
take immediate effect, allowing to the 20 t . h of Feb? for the departure of ves- 
sels in port. But it appears that the French Admiral refused to recognize a 
rigorous, or any modification of the previous partial blockade, until he 
received other instructions from his GovK And, although the British authori- 
ties acknowledged the belligerent right of the Argentine Gov-, Sir Thomas 
Paisley notified Admiral Brown that inasmuch as the recognition was not 
general, he would not suffer British vessels to be molested beyond the tenor 
of the original modified blockade. Our Commander, Pendergrast, it seems 
by his letters to Commodore Turner, has notified that he too will not recog- 
nize a partial blockade; and the blockade of M. Video & Maldonado has in 
effect ceased. The inclosed is the Memorial 1 of the English merchants to 
the Officer in command of the British squadron. But the three sealed letters 
from M r Hamilton himself will, I presume, put you in possession of all the 
information respecting the war of the La Platte [La Plata], except a flying 
piece of news which has just reached us here from England & which seems 
to be worthy of observation. Commodore Purvis, in command of the 
British squadron here, has, undoubtedly, been notified by his Gov- of a very 
large amount of naval supplies sufficient for several ships of the line for a 
considerable time; and it is also true that Great Britain has fitted out a fleet 
of medium size & small vessels for this station. The rumor is that this fleet 
is to enforce the interposition of England to arrest further hostilities, and to 
compel peace, upon the terms which she has determined to dictate, between 
Buenos Ayres and Monte Video, and to open the trade of the river Paraguay 
to its sources. If this be so, it is a most important movement, and the great 
interests of the U. States in this peace & its consequences, and in the trade 
of the Platte & its tributaries, ought to be looked after immediately. But 
this movement is said to have a double aspect. M Slacum, our former Con- 
sul here, has been for sometime intimate with and residing near to M r Samo, 
the English Commissioner of the Mixed Commission near this court. M r 
Samo allowed him to examine the correspondence, in printed form, of M- 
Hamilton & Lord Aberdeen respecting the slave-trade as carried on between 
Brazil & Africa. M r Slacum found in a late letter from Aberdeen to M r 
Hamilton^ most significant remark to this effect: "The Gov- of H. M. is 
now fully convinced of the bad faith of the Imp} Gov* in respect to its treaty 
obligations upon the African slave-trade, and is determined to fulfill the 
terms & stipulations of the treaty with Brazil for its suppression, inde- 
i Not included in this publication. 



DOCUMENT 570: MARCH 28, 1845 2 75 

Pendently by Us own means and in its own way.' 1 I do not pretend to give the 
very words, but this was the substance. M r Slacum was struck by the sen- 
tence, and, reading it aloud in the hearing of M r Samo, that gentleman, as if 
about to reveal something and suddenly checking himself, said: "Will you 
be here in April?" " Why? ", said M r Slacum " If you are here then, 
you will see some fun. 11 This was all that was said, but taken in connexion 
with the letter of the Earl of Aberdeen, much more was intimated. In a 
word, he understood Samo to intimate, pretty plainly, that England would 
assume to seize & capture vessels engaged in the slave-trade under the 
Brazilian flag, in the waters of Brazil, and that she would assume to enforce 
the treaty everywhere and at all hazards. And this would be done, and the 
debt due England of 5 millions sterling would be pressed, to force another 
general treaty on England's own terms. If these conjectures be well founded, 
the U. States ought, by all means, to have an active & intelligent agent on 
the spot, to look after their interests in the Platte Country. M r Hamilton 
is but a Consul at Monte Video, and it is natural to suppose has imbibed 
somewhat the Monte Video views of policy; and M r Brent is in such a bad 
state of health that he cannot be expected to be so efficient as is desirable. 
There ought, therefore, to be immediately, appointed a diplomatic or com- 
mercial agent of some sort to confer, impartially, with both the Monte 
Videan & Buenos Ayrean Govt?, to secure for us by negotiation or arrange- 
ment, the benefits of trade to be obtained by any nation who may interpose 
for the peace of those countries. . . . 

I am, with the highest respect & esteem [etc.]. 



570 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James 'Buchanan, Secretary 

of State of the "United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 14 Rio DE JANEIRO, March 28, 1845. 

SIR: ... I am pretty credibly assured that England and France will 
interpose in the war of the Platte, at the instance of Brazil. The U. States* 
interests there ought to be looked after. England is sending out a consider- 
able fleet for this station, and our naval force here ought to be increased. 
I apprehend difficulties between England & this country on various subjects 
of difference. 

Very respectfully [etc.], 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 13. 



276 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

571 

Henry A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 1 6 Rio DE JANEIRO, May J, 1845. 

SIR : . . . This letter is so long that, inasmuch as it is filled with the detail 
of subjects in "pari materia," I will leave other subjects of more general 
interest to a separate despatch accompanying this. There will be enough 
in the two to convince you that I am not idle here. But, Sir, permit me 
familiarly to beseech you not to allow the mass of matter, or my prolixity, 
to deter you from giving the subject of the slave-trade your serious attention. 
You may rely on it that England is determined upon taking some decided 
action upon it both with this Gov* & in reference to our flag, which may 
involve us in difficulty without timely action on our part. . . . 

I have the honor [etc.]. 



572 

Henry A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 17 Rio DE JANEIRO, May 2, 1845. 

SIR: The affairs of the River Platte are coming to a crisis at last. Our 
Consul at Monte Video, by letter dated April i 8 .*, informed me that several 
vessels which had touched there for pilots had been refused entrance at B. 
Ayres. The decree of non-intercourse by Rosas appeared to have been 
more destructive in its effects upon the Commercial interest than the 
"rigorous blockade" would have been had it been recognized by the French 
Admiral. And the strict blockade, according to a letter to me from M * Brent 
dated so 4 .* March, has been recognized by the French. Both M r Brent & 
M r Hamilton confirm the news also of a battle fought on the 27 4h of March 
between the Argentine Gen! Urquiza & Rivera, at a place called Indian [India] 
Muerta, about 70 miles N. N. E. of Maldonado, in which Rivera's forces 
were decisively defeated. A rumor has reached here, since the receipt of 
these letters, that Urquiza pursued the Riveristas into the Brazilian Prov- 
ince of Rio Grande, & that the Brazilian army had taken position between 
the belligerents to preserve the neutrality of the territory. Gen? Paz is still 
at Corrientes, a region entirely hostile to Rosas. M r Hamilton, in his letter, 
adds: "The Geni here, as well as the inhabitants of the city in general, are 
in high spirits under the certainty that a conjoint intervention on the part of 
i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 13. 2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 14. 



DOCUMENT 572: MAY 2, 1845 277 

England, France & Brazil, will transpire on the arrival of M r Ouseley, 
H. B. M. Minister for B. Ayres, for a desirable settlement of the affairs of 
the River Platte, & for the maintenance of the independence of the Oriental 
Republic. Letters from England & France state that on the arrival of M* 
Ouseley, twenty one days will be allowed Gen! Rosas to withdraw his troops 
from the Banda Oriental, and, in case of refusal, that hostilities will be 
resorted to by the Combined Powers, to enforce the demand. If their antic- 
ipations should not be realized, I can assure You that it will be utterly 
impossible for the town to hold out four months longer. The Gov* resources 
being nearly absorbed, without any visible means of replenishing them, the 
greatest struggles on the Part of the Gov* are at this moment in action, for 
the maintainance of the garrison. The many calls upon the Gov* are far 
too ponderous, & unless a helping hand comes quickly all will be lost." l 

Just before I received these letters, presenting this account of the State 
of affairs at the River, M- Ousely arrived in the Firebrand, steamer, at Rio 
de Janeiro. I met him more than once, & inquired of others concerning his 
mission. The Russian Minister, Lomonosoff, informed me that there was 
no doubt there had been up to a certain period an understanding between 
England & France for a joint intervention; but that England had lately 
adopted the policy of a separate mediation. That there was some pretence 
of the steamer, which was to carry M Ouseley to B. Ayres, being out of order 
& requiring affairs [repairs?], & that this was well understood to be a mere 
excuse for his remaining here some time for some object or other before he 
proceeded on his mission. Yet M r Franca [Franga] had complained that 
M - Ouseley had made no communication to him; & no one it seerns could tell 
or pretend even to know the precise character of his embassy, or the part 
which he was empowered in any event to act. The better opinion seemed 
to be that he had called by Rio to see M r Hamilton, H. B. M. Minister here, 
to ascertain from him the prospects of a treaty with Brazil & that he was to 
act accordingly. If Brazil was found refractory & difficult to accede to 
English terms, he was to take a course favorable to Rosas, of whom Brazil is 
known to have serious apprehensions in the event of his success against 
M. Video. A double object would be gained; not only would a natural 
enemy of Brazil be brought to aid in bringing her to terms, but the favoring 
of the conquest by Rosas might open the Parana & Paraguay rivers to the 
British Commerce an object long sought after by G* Britain. 

All this reserve & conjecture were soon cleared up to me. On the 2i 8 .* of 
April in the morning, M r Ouseley did me the honor to pay me a farewell visit, 
& informing me that he was to depart that evening, he made a particular 
request of letters from me to M- Brent. Instructions from England had 
followed him & had just arrived. He was hastening his departure, & in 

i Where the quotation begins, of which these final quotes mark the end, is not shown in the 
file copy of the document. Probably the initial quotes should have been placed immediately 
after the words, "Letters from England and France state that," possibly, further down. 



278 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

confidence disclosed to me fully the real character of his mission. He said 
there was no idea of an "intervention: that was rather a modern term which 
belonged more especially to Russia he did not like it; the term mediation 
better suited. His instructions were to present & to urge by all means the 
advantages of a peace, but he was by no means authorized to enforce it. That 
there was no selfish nor sinister object in view, none but such as was general, 
& such as would be approved by all Powers for the common good of the 
commerce of the world. That there was in fact no secret in his mission, but 
he preferred not to have his powers & instructions understood here, because 
there was a party on either side interested to have them misunderstood & 
misrepresented. That his particular purpose in seeking letters from me to 
M ? Brent was to correct all or any if any, misapprehension on his part. That 
he had been informed M r Brent had taken peculiar grounds against inter- 
vention or mediation by European Powers in American affairs, & he had 
heard him represented as having encouraged the idea that the U. S. would 
interpose to prevent any such intervention or mediation. And he inquired 
whether I knew or could speak with probability respecting M r Brent's 
views." I replied that M r Brent had touched here on his way, & I had seen 
him & held conversation with him, which would lead me to suppose that the 
rumors respecting the stand he had taken were incorrect. That M r Brent, 
I was sure, would aid by all his good offices any bona fide attempt from any 
quarter to bring about peace between two American Powers. That rumors 
incorrectly representing his position were probably founded on the fact that 
he had, perhaps, insisted that the French Admiral had no right to object & 
say that an American state should not blockade another with adequate force, 
in time of war. That the non-intercourse declared by Rosas, as a conse- 
quence of the blockade not being recognized by the French Admiral, had 
been more stringent upon American Commerce than the rigorous blockade 
itself would have been, & this had, probably, made M r Brent more anxious 
to have the blockade recognized. That I was very happy to hear of the fair 
intentions of his mission, but from my information respecting the character 
of Rosas, he would fail in his mediation. Rosas was bent on the distruction 
of Rivera it was, in fact, a personal not a national war. If M. Video fell, 
Rosas would first invade & subdue Paraguay, which he regards as a revolted 
province, & that he would not refrain from conquest in Rio Grande, because 
Brazil had ventured to recognize the independence of Paraguay. That Eng- 
land would of course seek to open his mare clausum of the Parana & Para- 
guay rivers to her trade, & then she would be accused, as she was already, 
of setting Rosas on, or letting him loose upon Brazil to punish, her for not 
acceding to a treaty. But I would assuredly, upon his authority, represent 
to M T > Brent the true character of his mission, and would urge upon him the 
propriety by all means of throwing no obstructions in the way of an embassy 
so just & humane, so disinterested and proper. After much more of the 



DOCUMENT 572: MAY 2, 1845 279 

same tenor, M r Ouseley left me, & I wrote the letters of introduction to 
Mess r? Brent & Hamilton, which I sent to him that evening before he sailed. 
The next day M r Walsh brought to me a private letter from an American 
gentleman at B. Ayres to an American gentleman here, complaining of the 
conduct of M r Brent very strongly. The purport of it was, that "M r Brent 
was wholly under the influence of Rosas. That he had taken quarters in the 
same house with Rosas' Gov* printer; that he had written a long letter to the 
French Admiral requesting him to go to B. Ayres that they might "hold 
sweet converse" & "a friendly talk" (these were his words, says the letter) 
on the affair of the blockade intimating to the Admiral that he was ignorant 
of his duty in refusing to recognize the blockade putting him in mind that 
we had already made France pay 25 Millions of francs for former spoliations, 
as much as to say : ' you had better look out that you do not have to pay 
more/ That the Frenchman sent an answer, after the lapse of a couple of 
weeks or so, declining the invitation & telling our Charg that he had acted 
'undiplomatically.' That he had invited the diplomatic corps to meet at 
the house of Arana the Prime Minister, day before yesterday, to talk over 
matters relating, to the present position of affairs. The English & French 
diplomats declined the honor, not recognizing the right of M r Brent to call a 
meeting at Arana's house" &c. The letter proceeds: "I am a good deal 
afraid that the folks here may be led out of their depth by the promises which 
he is said to have made that his Gov* will stand by them, & not permit any 
foreign intervention &c. &c. He has employed since his arrival here as his 
confidential interpreter the same person who acts in that capacity for the 
Minister of State (Arana) & who indeed is a regular employe in said Min- 
ister's office." This letter, dated March I3*. h at B. Ayres, from T. W. C. 
Moore to James Birckhead Esq- Rio de Janeiro, at once disclosed to me the 
source in part whence M r Ouseley had derived his impressions respecting M r 
Brent. I do not myself exactly credit the statements of this letter, but it 
assured me at all events that I had done right in introducing M r Ouseley to 
M r Brent, & in urging upon him, by authority of the assurances made to me, 
the propriety of not obstructing the English mediation. The truth is, as I 
told M r Ouseley, G* Britain & Brazil both are in a curious position in respect 
to this war. G* Britain mediated between B. Ayres & Brazil, obtained the 
convention of peace between them for five years guaranteed the inde- 
pendence of M. Video for that time & that there should be a permanent 
definitive treaty of peace, & that neither party should renew hostilities after 
that time until after six month's notice to the other party & to the mediator. 
The five years have expired. The definitive treaty of peace has never been 
entered upon according to the convention. B. Ayres has waged war against 
M. Video Brazil & B. Ayres are either at liberty to renew hostilities upon 
notice to the other or M. Video & Brazil may either upon notice renew 
hostilities. Quare de hoc: is not G* Britain, virtute conventionis, still a 



28O PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

mediator? And, if M. Video is in danger of Rosas, may she not pro form& & 
pro independent^ renew war with Brazil? This view seemed to puzzle M* 
Ouseley, but "we the U. States of America" have nothing to do with these 
nice questions. I have recommended that "we" stand by only, & take all 
legitimate advantages of trade. Let us look out, say I, for an equal share in 
the important trade of the Parana & the Paraguay if it is to be opened at all 
to any other Power or People, & it should be opened. Rosas is undoubtedly 
a Gaucho, anti-commercial & opposed to "foreigners " & is a tyrant, but he is 
American in his feelings & is a man of great natural abilities & of irresistible 
political power in his own Country. B. Ayres is a republic in name, an 
autocracy in fact. So much for other people's business. . . . 
With the highest respect & esteem, [etc.]. 

Rio DE JANEIRO, May 8, 1845. 

P.S. . . . The special French Ambassador to B. Ayres was presented 
yesterday & attended the f6te I heard much said about the question : whether 
England & France will act in concert there. No one knows. From informa- 
tion rec* the day before yesterday, the impression gains ground that M r 
Brent, our Charg6, is throwing obstacles in the way of the English & French 
mediation or intervention. Rosas will not hear to either. The Min: of 
foreign Affairs was very gracious to me, had a long talk about the affairs of 
the River said that Brazil had formally & repeatedly protested against the 
invasion of the independence of Montevideo that Rosas would not consent, 
on any terms, to open the trade of the Parana & Paraguay to European 
Powers and ended by inviting a special interview with me at any & my own 
time. I shall avail myself of it at the earliest opportunity. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 



573 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No - l8 Rio DE JANEIRO, May ip, 1845. 

SIR: ... On Saturday last, the I7* h I had a long interview with M r 
Franca. He said that M r Calhoun's letter to M' King had a good effect 
here, & had opened the eyes of many to the true power & policy of Brazil. 
That he would very much regret a reduction of their mission by the U. States 
in the face of negotiations by Brazil for treaties with all the world, & just as 
Europe was concentrating her diplomacy in this quarter of the globe. He 
then turned to the affairs of the River Plate, & I could not but see, as on every 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 14. 



DOCUMENT 573: MAY 19, 1845 28l 

occasion, that is the magnum et parvum of their concern at present. 
"What do you think, M r Wise, is to be the result there we want the views 
of our friends on our relations at the River ?" "I think, Sir," said I, "that 
Brazil has need of her best counsels on that subject, & that her peace & safety 
depend upon her own prompt action. She has an anomalous Convention 
with B. Ayres & M. Video, with England mediator, binding all parties to a 
definitive treaty of peace, to be guaranteed by G* Britain Where is that 
treaty? Have B. Ayres & M . Video the right, against that Convention, to be 
warring upon each other's independence, before that Convention is satisfied? 
Have you not the power to call on England to compel a cessation of hostili- 
ties between those powers until your convention with them be satisfied? 
Would not its satisfaction terminate their war?" "Ah! but we protest 
against the invasion of the independence of M. Video, & Rosas will withdraw 
his forces from the Banda Oriental as soon as the War is ended!" "Yes! 
I am informed that if armed intervention does not soon succor M. Video, the 
war will soon be ended by its downfall. Rivera arrived here in Rio de Janeiro 
last night, flying from defeat. The moment M. Video falls, the foreigners, 
French & Italians who alone uphold its defence at present, will be scattered. 
Oribe's party is as strong as Rivera's among the natives. A small garrison 
or two will keep the possession of Rosas, whilst he withdraws his army for 
what? To invade Corientes & Paraguay! and if the flames are lighted 
there, how long before they catch to Rio Grande? " "But," he said, " Eng- 
land & France will arrest this war." "France is so disposed England is 
not. They will act in concert only so long as it is mere friendly mediation 
either have intimated interposition by force England will not allow France 
so to interpose unless she does herself England may so interpose as soon as 
Brazil gives her the treaty she wants, fe* if she does not, she may choose, as some 
say, to let Rosas bring troubles upon Brazil &" then treat with her. Her boon 
will be the opening of the trade of all the rivers, the Parana, the Paraguay & the 
Uraguay, & a treaty with Brazil at last on her own terms. 1 ' He said, "we dis- 
like this interposition there by European Powers between two American 
States ; but England & France both have the right by our admission of their 
guarantees to M. Video & B. Ayres in the past." I replied "These are 
guarantees to Brazil too why not demand their enforcement to compel a 
peace at once which alone can ward off the apprehended troubles to you from 
Rosas? " But decision & energy seem to be wanting. Ouseley has arrived, 
& by this time Diffaudis [Deffaudis], the French Ambassador, also. The 
rigorous blockade had been recognized by the French, to commence about 
the 28th inst., but the English Comm d had then recognized it only on 
condition of the withdrawal of the non-intercourse by Rosas. Our Consul 
at M. Video writes that M. Video must fall unless soon succored. Still it 
seems that an English merchant there loans on the hypothecation of the 
revenues from Customs. Gen! Guido, the Minister of B. Ayres, applied the 



282 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

other day for a passage for his family in the Raritan. Comm A Turner was 
too sick to take them. Guido on Saturday, told me he regretted the 
impossibility of their going in the Raritan very much, as he could n't send 
them in a British man of war under present aspects of Argentine relations 
with England. He, Guido, will, I think, ask his passports soon. Rosas 
will not hear to mediation, nor be stopped by intervention, is willing to seek 
a rupture with Brazil, & he will not be opposed by England in his policy. 
Such are my views. 

With the highest esteem & respect [etc.]. 



574 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States * 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 22 Rio DE JANEIRO, June 30, 1845. 

SIR: . . . The latest dates of information from the River Plate on which I 
can rely, are of the 29*^ May. I have been anxiously waiting for definite news 
from M r Ouseley & Diff audis, the English & French mediators. There is little 
doubt, I think, but that the mediation is joint between France & England; & 
I begin to apprehend, notwithstanding M r Ouseley 's assurances to me when 
here, that they mean something more than mediation. After mediation fails 
they will try intervention. There are rumors of letters so strong from M r 
Ouseley to Arana, the Minister of Rosas, that he had to withdraw them, I 
do not credit this report. M r Brent, our Charg, is still accused of obstruct- 
ing the mediation. M r Ouseley is said to have expressed the desire for Oribe 
to be put in possession of Monte Video, & Rosas claims no more. Rivera is 
still in Rio de Janeiro, and it is said that the M. Videan Minister's house was 
guarded the other day to prevent Rivera from departing hence. This to 
manifest neutrality to Rosas, who had begun to threaten Brazil very loudly, 
and who had ordered the retirement of GenJ Guido from this Court & non- 
intercourse with Brazil immediately upon the permission to Rivera to de- 
part. Brazil is suspected of having played a very deceitful part between 
the belligerents. Great mystery & secrecy seem to be observed in the nego- 
tiations at the River; but no doubt is entertained of a speedy restoration of 
peace & commerce. I send you a paper containing the treaty drawn up by 
Brazil, the ratification of which was refused by Gen 1 . Rosas. . . . 

With the highest esteem & respect [etc.]. 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 14. 



DOCUMENT 576: JULY 31, 1845 283 

575 

Henry A. Wise, United, States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States * 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 23 Rio DE JANEIRO, July 2, 1845. 

SIR: . . . We hear nothing from the River. England, has, undoubtedly, 
as one of the British Commissioners (M r Samo) informs me, positively in- 
structed her cruisers to persist in the search of Brazilian vessels & to take 
them to Sierra Leone in all cases of seizure, notwithstanding the expiration 
of their late treaties. G* Britain, in fact, insists that the treaties are still 
binding between her & Brazil inasmuch as the latter failed to fulifil a single 
stipulation. The Cabinet of Brazil begin to apprehend that G* Britain's 
policy is, what I have been convinced of for some time, to bring Rosas down 
upon this country, & then to dictate a new treaty in the midst of new diffi- 
culties, precisely as she dictated the old treaty in the times of old troubles. 

I have just heard a rumor, which I apprehend is correct, that an English 
steamer has seized three American & one Spanish vessel on the African Coast. 
The Pons, Master Graham, & the Pilot, Master Swift, both owned by citizens 
of the U. States, have lately arrived here from the Coast; and Cap tu J. Clapp, 
the person who sold the Garmeclifft on the Coast to the slave-trade, is now 
here as Master of the U. S. Merchant ship Panther. 

With highest personal regard and official respect [etc.]. 



576 

Henry A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 25 Rio DE JANEIRO, July 31, 1845. 

SIR: The Columbus, with M r Everett, & the ship Catheline, from New 
York, with M* Hopkins on board, arrived in this port yesterday. I have 
seen neither gentleman as yet, but will wait on them both immediately, & 
be most happy to give M r Hopkins all the information & assistance in my 
power in respect to his Paraguay Mission. The condition of that state, 
isolated heretofore not only by the eccentric policy of D r Francia, but by its 
interior position & its inclusion from the high seas by the mare clausum of 
Rosas is but imperfectly known even in Brazil. But it may be said to be now 
on the eve of a development. A liberal Gov* has been established, and from 
the reputed character of the population, less revolutionary & sanguinary 
* Despatches, Brazil, vol. 14. 2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 14. 



284 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

than that of the other Americo-Spanish states, it may be expected to be more 
permanent than they have usually been. Carlos A. Lopez the correspondent 
of M r Consul Edwards, is now the President of the Republic, & I have lately 
seen from him an appeal to the Paraguayans to increase their army by 
voluntary enlistments, induced by preference in the service. The Gov* organ 
here, the Jornal, is now continuing the publication of a long paper, regarded 
as a sort of manifesto & history by authority of Paraguay, which I shall cause 
to be translated both for M r Hopkins & the Dep* of State. This will give as 
full & authentic information as I am enabled to furnish. Mark too what is 
said of Paraguay in the pamphlet sent me by Gen ! Guido & herewith trans- 
mitted. 1 That pamphlet will give you the key to the Rosas policy. It is 
well written, though abusive of the U. States, and worth reading. England 
& France will find every word therein said respecting their joint intervention 
at the River Platte, prove true. One of its worst effects may be to drive 
Rosas into an interior or gaucho war with Paraguay & Brazil in Rio Grande. 
He, I believe, would acknowledge the independence of, & preserve peace & 
promote commerce with Paraguay, if Brazil would but assure his confidence 
in the good faith of her policy towards Monte-Video. He suspects Brazil of 
ambitious designs of annexation upon both countries, & I am afraid that he 
may be jealous of this agency from the U. States. But the proper steps 
taken, I am confident that the agency is most opportune & proper; that no 
Power could appease & modify the action of Rosas so well as the U. States. 
And if their Agent is firm & discreet, & M r Brent plays properly the favorit- 
ism of Rosas towards him; & if the Minister here is duly instructed & em- 
powered as to the part he is to act with Brazil in connexion with the affairs of 
B. Ayres & M. Video, & with the question of mediation or armed interven- 
tion by other nations or by ourselves; and if a prompt correspondence be- 
tween all our Gov* agents in S. Eastern & Central S. America is kept up; the 
U. States by a disinterested peaceful, impartial & just policy, may become of 
all Powers, the protectors & benif actors of the great cause of American States 
& secure a vast Extension of their commerce, without departing in the least 
from their established & wise policy of non-interference & of avoiding all 
entangling alliances, & without committing themselves to any guarantees 
which may hereafter involve or embarrass their foreign relations. . . . 

Subsequent to this I received three letters from M r Hamilton our Consul 
at M. Video, dated the 3^, the 9*. h , & the IO*? 1 July inst. In that of the 
3* he says 

"The negotiations at B. Ayres &c. appear to have been conducted with 
much slothfulness, & we are kept in ignorance of the probable result, to the 
present moment. However, through my correspondents at B. Ayres, I have 
learned that the French & English Ministers proffered to mediate &c. Rosas 

1 It was published in London, in English, and covers in pages. Its title is "Rosas and 
His Calumniators: The Justice and Policy of a Triple Alliance, Intervention of England, 
France, and Brazil in the Affairs of The River Plate." Not included in this publication. 



DOCUMENT 576: JULY 31, 1845 285 

has informed them that he will not listen to their propositions &c. until they 
recognize his belligerent rights of rigorous blockade, & he requires also that M r 
Brent our Charg, be a party in the conference for mediation. In the first 
instance M r Ouseley exhibited a disposition to admit M r Brent as a co-opera- 
tor, & he had several conferences with him. The French Minister refused 
M r Brent's interference, on the grounds that his instructions only contem- 
plated his acting in connexion with the British representative, since when 
M r Ouseley has altered his position & has taken the same ground; and they 
have each addressed a note to M- Arana, Min: for F. Affairs, stating to him 
that prior to acting as Mediators, it was indispensably necessary that Gov- 
Rosas should suspend hostilities in the Banda Oriental, & withdraw his 
squadron from before M. Video. All this he refuses & adheres to his first 
demands. M r Brent has taken a lively interest in the affairs of Rosas, has 
advised him to dismiss both M- Ouseley & the Baron Diffaudis forthwith, 
unless they acknowledge his belligerent right of Blockade of M. Video. M r 
Brent has communicated to these functionaries that he had advised Rosas so to 
do. Thus matters stand per last account, from B. Ayres, & I am induced to 
believe from my knowledge of the stern character of Rosas, that he will not 
recede from his demands, being aware that the English & French would 
jeopardize a vast interest by making use of hostile measures. . . . &c. 
You will find an accompanying list of the numerical forces which defend 
M. Video, & also of the besiegers, by which you can judge of the safety of the 
City, bearing in mind that there are 80 pieces of heavy artillery mounted 
behind strong & well erected breast- works." In that of the 9*. h : he says 
"The Comus arrived yesterday from B. Ayres & has only brought disap- 
pointment to the M. Videans. In regard to the negotiations nothing of a 
definite character had transpired. It is said that Baron Diffaudis recom- 
mends hostile measures & that M r Ouseley declines them & wishes matters to 
remain in statu quo until he receives further instructions from England. In 
the meantime unfortunate Monte Video must & will fall into the hands of 
Oribe. The Gov* here have only twenty days provisions for the garrison, & 
when consumed have no visible means of replenishing them." In that of 
the 10^ he says: 

"A French steamer has just arrived from B. Ayres, with despatches from 
the French Admiral M r Turner the Charg6, containing the information that 
on yesterday morning M r Ouseley & the Baron Diffaudis addressed a note 
conjointly to the Argentine Gov* demanding the immediate withdrawal of 
the Argentine troops from the Banda Oriental & the naval forces from off the 
port, & have allowed the Gov* three days for consideration & a prompt & 
final answer. . . . They have at the same time offered to mediate for the 
restoration of peace." In a P. S. he adds: "The above is posted up at 
the Gov 5 house for the information of the public great rejoicing to-day. " 

Such was the latest news from the River, & such is still the latest. In- 



286 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

closed is the list of forces sent to me, by which it appears that M. Video is in 
fact in the hands of foreigners, & almost entirely defended by the French, 
Italians & Negroes. 

On the 26*. h July the Min: of F. Affairs requested another conference with 
me at I o'clock P. M. I repaired to the State Office a little before the ap- 
pointed time. I had not been seated in the ante-room long before Gen! 
Guido came in hurriedly & begged to know when he could have an interview 
with me. I named 8 P. M. in the evening. He said he had an important 
note, official, which he wished me to see relating to the affairs of the River 
Plate in connexion with the U. States, & he would send it to M r Walsh. 1 

i What is referred to as an official note of Sr. Guido from Mr. Wise is apparently the 
following undated, unsigned paper, enclosed with Wise's despatch: 

[TRANSLATION.] 

Brief resume, for the information of His Excellency Mr. Wise, Envoy Extraordinary 
and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, of the notes exchanged between the 
Ministers of England and France, Mr. Ouseley and Baron Deffaudis, on the one hand, 
and the Minister of Foreign Relations of the Argentine Confederation, on the other; 
and of those in reference to Mr. Brent, Charge d 'Affaires of the United States. 

Under date of May 21 Mr. Ouseley wrote to Mr. Arana officially that it resulted from 
their previous conferences that the Argentine Government 

(1) Recognizes as completely as the government of Her Britannic Majesty the inde- 
pendence of the Oriental State. 

(2) That the government of Buenos Ayres renounces unconditionally all intervention 
in the internal and domestic government of the Oriental State. 

(3) That under certain conditions the Argentine government will effect the departure 
of its troops from the Oriental State. 

(4) That the blockade of Montevideo shall be raised, under conditions to be fixed in 
the future. 

(5) That the personal security of political refugees of all parties shall be assured, so 
far as the Argentine government is concerned, pending and subsequent to the negotia- 
tions, which, it is to be hoped, will terminate in the pacification upon firm bases of the 
States of the Rio de la Plata. 

That, with respect to the blockade of Montevideo, the Argentine government insists 
(as a measure required by the dignity of an independent nation) upon its unconditional 
recognition in the most rigorous form, as the first step in the negotiations. 

The British Minister inquires whether the Argentine government is prepared to work 
on these general bases at one time, or whether it has some later measures or conditions 
to propose. 

Mr. Arana replied on the 24th of May. 

(1) That the Argentine government had persistently and inviolably recognized the 
independence of the Oriental State of Uruguay; and that that recognition was not of 
present date or a new concession. 

(2) That in consequence of this same principle, it has never intervened either directly 
or indirectly in the internal and domestic government of the Oriental State, or of any 
other State. 

(3) That His Excellency will withdraw the Argentine auxiliary divisions upon the 
order of the lawful President of the Republic of Uruguay, when the latter shall advise 
the Argentine government that they are not needed, without it being necessary to base 
this measure upon any condition. 

(4) That the Argentine squadron will withdraw from the blockade of the port of 
Montevideo when the same lawful President shall advise him that the work of pacifica- 
tion is concluded. 

(5) That the political refugees of all the parties have enjoyed and will continue to 
enjoy personal security in the Argentine Republic, provided they respect the government 
and the laws, it being necessary to consider this provision as a fact already established 
and not as a new condition. 

That if the lawful government of the Oriental Republic should expel the Argentine 
emigrants at present in Montevideo, or should they suddenly desire to avail themselves 



DOCUMENT 576: JULY 31, 1845 287 

That he wished to prepare me by saying that the object of the Min: of F. A. 
was to confer with me touching what the U. States would do in relation to the 
affairs of Monte-Video & B. Ayres. I thanked him, & a few moments after, 
I was called to the audience with the Minister. 

of the pardon hitherto accorded them, they would find the same clemency in the pa- 
ternal sentiments of the Argentine government ; but this grace is not to be understood 
as a recent concession. 

(6) That all arrangements as to the pacification of the Republic of Uruguay lie within 
the exclusive competence of the lawful President, General D. Manuel Oribe. 

^ (7) That the government insists that the absolute blockade of Montevideo be recog- 
nized by the commander of the British naval station in said port. 

Mr. Arana recalls to Mr. Ouseley in the same note that the interposition of Mr. Brent, 
Charge d'Affaires of the United States, from the nth of April, had been accepted with 
deep appreciation; and that the Argentine government finds it difficult to proceed with- 
out an agreement on the matter first being reached between Mr. Ouseley and Mr. 
Brent. 

In the said note of April u from Mr. Brent to Mr. Arana, he offers his mediation and 
good offices, and indicates that if the ultimatum of the Banda Oriental and of the 
Argentine Republic should be communicated to him, perhaps it might be in his power to 
bring about a sequel of operations which would have the most desirable results in all 
respects. [For Brent's note of April n, see vol. I, pt. n. Ed.] 

On the 26th of May Mr. Arana transmitted to Mr. Ouseley the notes of the Charges 
d' Affaires of the United States, Portugal and Bolivia, in which those gentlemen re- 
quested to be informed concerning the arrival and movements of various foreign war- 
ships in the port of Buenos Ayres, and on the 3ist of May Mr. Ouseley, in reply, begged 
to be informed whether notes of the same tenor as those which had been transmitted to 
him, had been addressed to all the Representatives or agents respectively of the foreign 
maritime nations, or only to him as British Minister. 

Mr. Arana replied to Mr. Ouseley on June 1 1 that the said note had been sent only to 
the British Minister, as Representative of the sole nation whose ships at that date were 
entering and leaving the port, but that he requested proper explanations of the authors 
of said interpellations. The Charges d'Affaires already mentioned, repeatedly re- 
quested of the Argentine government an explanation of the reason for the frequent 
entrance and departure of foreign ships of war. 

On May 28 Mr. Ouseley replied to the note of Mr. Arana dated the 24th of the same 
month, informing him that he was awaiting the immediate arrival of a Special Minister 
from France before offering some considerations upon the principles established by the 
Argentine government; but that, notwithstanding, it established, according to the 
declarations of Mr. Arana: That the Argentine Government, considering General Oribe 
as the lawful head of a foreign State, and as beyond the orders of the Government of 
Buenos Ayres, maintained Argentine troops at the order of that General only as^ an 
auxiliary force; and that their movements in the Oriental State of Uruguay are subject 
to the orders of General Oribe. 

With reference to the mediation of Mr. Brent, Mr. Ouseley says in the same note that 
he believes that this gentleman, although without special authorization from his own 
Government, appears to desire the same objects that the government of Her Britannic 
Majesty has in view ; and that there will be no obstacle to his contributing to their future 
realization by his experience and personal judgment, and by the good oifices which his 
position in this country qualifies him confidentially to employ. 

On June 6 Mr. Brent asked Mr. Arana officially whether he accepted the offer of 
mediation addressed to the Argentine government on April I r , since he had received no 
official recognition thereof up to that date; and on Tune 10 Mr. Arana officially replied 
that his offer was accepted at once with great satisfaction on the part of the Argentine 
government, which, having welcomed it with deep and benevolent interest, acknowl- 
edged with gratitude the keen desire of Mr. Brent to see a firm peace established in the 
Republic, giving to the pending questions a solution satisfactory to humanity. 

At the same time Mr. Arana informs Mr. Brent that he has already taken some steps 
to that end in conferences and correspondence with the British Minister, and that he is 
sending him copies of the correspondence which had taken place up to then. [Neither 
Brent's note of June 6 nor Arana's reply of June 10 was found with Brent's despatches. 
Ed.] 



288 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

He opened by referring to the case of the John S. Bryan, & saying that the 
Min: of Finance had promised to take it up immediately, & to urge it upon 
the Chambers for an appropriation. He, then, suddenly, inquired whether 
M r Brent had tendered to Gen 1 Rosas the mediation of the U. States in the 
war with Monte Video? I replied that I unfortunately had no information 
from M r Brent on the subject; but from information received from other 
sources I presumed that matters stood thus: 

In the first place M r Brent had taken strong grounds, so far as to protest 
against the armed intervention, joint or separate, of England & France in a 
war between two American States. 

In the second place he had expressed the sympathies & desires of his Gov- 
for peace between the two powers; & had gone, perhaps, so far as to tender 
kind offices of mediation on the part of his Gov* without committing it to any 
guarantees or responsibilities whatever. In this, I had no doubt, he would 
be sustained fully at home; for the U. S. were jealous of any forcible inter- 
ference by European Powers with American affairs, & were extremely 
anxious to see all the American states prosperously settled in permanent 
peace. 

On June 12 Mr. Brent officially requested of Mr. Arana an interview in the office of 
His Excellency, at which should be present Baron Deffaudis and Mr. Ouseley. [For 
Brent's note of June 12, see vol. I, pt. n. Ed.] 

The same day Mr. Arana, in compliance with the request of Mr. Brent, invited Baron 
Deffaudis and Mr. Ouseley for the I4th of the same month. 

These Ministers declined the invitation of Mr. Arana on June 13, and on the follow- 
ing day Mr. Arana so advised Mr. Brent. [Arana's note of June 14 was not found with 
Brent's despatches. Ed.] 

On June 17 Mr. Ouseley requested of the Argentine government the supension of 
hostilities in Montevideo as a preliminary measure to entering into negotiations. A 
like request was addressed by the Minister of France, and on the 22? Mr. Arana replied 
to both Plenipotentiaries that in spite of its desire for peace, the Argentine government 
would not consider matters concerning the pacification of the Republics of La Plata, 
unless previously and as due satisfaction to the Argentine government, in fulfillment of 
international principles and laws, the absolute blockade of the ports of Montevideo and 
Maldonado declared by it should have been unconditionally recognized in a sustained 
and effective manner by the naval forces of England and France. 

Mr. Arana intimated also to the Ministers of England and France that the Argentine 
government had accepted the friendly interposition of the Charg6 d' Affaires of the 
United States, and that in such case it could not take into consideration any incident or 
circumstance connected with the pacification without the concurrence and participation 
of that American representative, because under no circumstance could it deviate from 
the loyalty of its relations of perfect understanding with the United States. 

Mr. Arana communicated to Mr. Brent on the i8th of June the account of the con- 
ference with the British and French Plenipotentiaries [Arana's note of June 18 was not 
found with Brent's despatches. Ed.], at which Baron Deffaudis explained that the 
Charge of the United States possessed no special instructions, as did he and the British 
Minister, authorizing him to offer his mediation, any more than they had to associate 
themselves with Mr. Brent that the government of the United States had not taken 
the matter up with those of France and England and that consequently it was not 
possible for them to admit his participation with them in their official acts, although they 
would admit him into their confidential, private and friendly acts. 

On June 20 Mr. Brent offered to General Oribe, President of the Republic of Uruguay, 
the friendly offices of the United States for the purpose of attaining objects acceptable 
to humanity and productive of a firm and lasting peace, and there are strong reasons 
to believe that they were accepted by His Excellency General Oribe. 



DOCUMENT 576: JULY 31, 1845 289 

That Gen 1 Rosas had taken the grounds: 

I 8 -* That he would not entertain the mediation of England & France, 
joint or separate, until his belligerent rights of rigorous blockade were first 
fully recognized by both of these Powers. And 

2*Siy That when they offered to mediate, he claimed the right to intro- 
duce into the conference for adjustment of mediation, the charg of the 
U. S., or the representative of any other Power whom he saw fit to invite. 
That he had invited M r Brent, & th^t the Ministers of England & France had 
declined to confer in the presence of the Charge of the U. States. And that 
Mess re Ouseley & Diffaudis had, finally, notified Gen 1 Rosas to withdraw 
his forces from Monte Video, & had given him three days to answer. Such 
was my information & understanding as to affairs at the River Plate. 

The Min: of F. A. then read an extract from a note from whom or to 
whom he did not say informing him that M r Brent had tendered to Gen 1 
Rosas the mediation of the U. S. & that the latter had promptly accepted 
the offer. Upon that point, I replied, I was not informed. But, I repeated, 
I had no doubt M r Brent would be sustained in offering his kind offices to 
terminate hostilities between two American States, without committing in 
any way his own Government. That I had received no instructions upon 
the subject, though I had written for them early after my arrival at this 
Court, & was not informed of the instructions to M r Brent. That His 
ExcT would see, from the communication I had made to his predecessor, 
M r Franga, in explanation of the course the U. States had pursued in reference 
to Texas, the light in which I was authorized to say to the Imp^ Gov- the 
U. S. Viewed Brazil among the S. American States. That I undertook to 
say, in my private capacity, however, that the U. S. would much prefer to 
see Brazil, as the elder Sister of S. American States, leading in this mediation, 
than to witness either the mediation or the armed intervention of two Euro- 
pean Powers. That I had mentioned my surprise long ago to M r Franga 
that Brazil did not interpose, effectually, to arrest hostilities between M. 
Video & B. Ayres, & to place all the S. Eastern States of this Continent upon 
a permanent basis of peaceful relations. That the affairs of the River were 
likely to endanger the peace & general welfare of Brazil, & that both by her 
geographical position & by her most important interests, she was the most 
proper power, & the most imperatively called upon to interpose for peace, & 
stronger still, she had a Convention, solemnly settled between here & B. 
Ayres, as a legitimate basis upon which to demand the right of interposition. 
The Minister seemed to desire a fuller explanation of my views, and I 
presented them to him as follows: 

I referred him to the Preliminary Treaty of Peace between the Republics of 

the United Provinces of the River Plate & the Emperor of Brazil (see Elliott's 

Code Vol.2^ p. 251), concluded at Rio de Janeiro on the 28^ of Aug* 1828. 

By the i 8 * & 2^ Articles of this Convention, both Brazil & the Republic 



290 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

of the U. Provinces declared the Province of Montevideo separate, free & inde- 
pendent. 

By the 3^ Both parties obliged themselves to defend the independence & 
integrity of M. Video, "for the time & in the manner that may be agreed upon 
in the definitive treaty of peace." 

By article lo 1 * Protection to M. Video was guaranteed by both Parties 
until its constitution should be sworn to & for five years thereafter. Limited 
by Art. n^ "to the object of the restoration of order. 1 ' 

By art. 17^ "after the exchange of the ratifications, both parties were to 
proceed to appoint their respective plenipotentiaries for the purpose of adjusting 
& concluding the definitive treaty of peace which is to be concluded between the 
Republic of the U. Provinces Sf the Empire of Brazil. 

By Art. iS^ "If, contrary to expectation, the parties should not come 
to an adjustment in the said definitive treaty of peace, through questions 
that may arise in which they may not agree, notwithstanding the mediation 
of His B. M., the Republic 6f the Empire cannot renew hostilities before the 
expiration of the five years stipulated in the 18^ art., nor even after this time can 
hostilities take place, without notice being reciprocally given, with the knowledge 
of the mediatory power, six months previously. 

By the additional art. "Both parties oblige themselves to employ all 
means in their power in order that the navigation of the River Plate, 6" of all 
others that empty into it, may be kept free for the use of the subjects of both 
nations, for the space of fifteen years, in the form that may be agreed upon in 
the definitive treaty of peace. 

My Construction of this Convention was 

i 8 .* That neither Brazil nor B. Ayres could make conquest & reacquire 
the dominion of M. Video without a flagrant violation of the I s * & 2^ 
articles of this Convention. 

2^ That the parties had stipulated by the 3^ Art for protection to M. 
Video, in a mode to be limited as to time & manner by the definitive treaty of 
peace; the object of this protection, limited as to the mode by the treaty, to be; 
the defence of the independence & integrity of the province. 

3^ That they had stipulated by the lo*. 11 art. for protection to M. Video, 
for the period of forming her Constitution, & for five years thereafter, un- 
limited as to the mode for that period, & limited only as to the object of "the 
restoration of order.' 1 So that two kinds of protection were stipulated. The 
one to be limited by definitive treaty of peace as to time & object, but not as to 
the mode. 

4*. h That the latter protection under the Convention has expired by 
limitation of time; and the protection stipulated to be guaranteed by defin- 
itive treaty of peace is yet to be secured & afforded by each party. 

5*. h That Brazil & B. Ayres are both still imperatively bound by Art 
I7*. h , to enter upon the faithful fullfilment of their positive agreement to ad 



DOCUMENT 576: JULY 31, 1845 29! 

just & conclude a treaty of peace, in which they are bound to stipulate the 
time & the manner in which they & each of them may "defend, the independ- 
ence & integrity of M. Video. 11 

6 t . h That neither party has the right to declare or wage war against 
M. Video, so long as this stipulation for a definitive treaty of peace to point 
out the time & manner of defending the independence & integrity of M. 
Video shall remain unexecuted. And if either party has so declared & waged 
war, without the consent of the other party, that other party may, lawfully 
demand a cessation of hostilities on M. Video until this treaty of peace be 
entered upon & concluded in good faith. 

7*? 1 That the whole scope of this Convention obviously continues the 
umpirage of the mediator, G* Britain, until this definitive treaty of peace 
be entered upon, & adjusted & concluded in good faith. And, in case either 
party refuses to enter upon, adjust & conclude this treaty of peace in good 
faith, & continues to wage war upon M. Video in violation of the plain 
meaning of this Convention, then the other party may appeal to the media- 
tory power for interposition; or, it may give the six months* notice for a 
renewal of hostilities. 

S^ In case hostilities against M. Video by one of the parties be thus 
arrested by the other Party & by the Mediatory Power, then the two latter 
Powers are bound to guarantee peace ad interim to the first power as against 
M. Video until this definitive treaty of peace be adjusted & concluded. 

With this construction of right, under this Convention, Brazil was clearly 
the Power to lead in the settlement of the affairs of the River Plate. And 
the step for her to pursue was to demand of the Republic of the U. Provinces 
the cessation of hostilities until the faithful conclusion and execution of this 
definitive treaty of peace. 

I s * This course would arrest the war raging between the Republic & 
the Province of M. Video. 

2* It would prevent the dangers of Brazil being involved in that war. 

3* It would place the peace of the three S. American powers on a per- 
manent footing. 

4* h It would prescribe the mode of defending the integrity & independ- 
ence of M. Video which were necessarily at hazard in the pending war. 

5*. h It would fix boundaries. 

6*. h It would, of course, retire the armed intervention of European Powers. 

7*. h It would place the mediation of England on the legitimate basis of 
conventional law. 

8*. h It would open the trade of the Rivers of the La Platta & all others 
emptying into it, & decide all riparian rights, & might be the means of guar- 
anteeing independence to Paraguay as well as to M. Video. 

9*. h It would have the sympathy & respect of all civilized nations, & 
particularly of the U. S. who would be proud to see Brazil thus interposing 



292 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

among neighboring American States to promote & secure peace & free- 
trade, upon the basis of conventional law instead of leaving all open to the 
rapacity of European force. The U. S. could not but look upon the armed 
intervention of England & France with distrust & anxiety. The apprehen- 
sion was that something more was meant by this joint intervention than 
the peace of B. Ayres & M. Video. The River Plate & its tributaries are to 
Brazil in S. America what the great river of the Mississippi is to the U. S., 
the leading artery of the very heart of its interior. A control of that organ of 
the circulation of American trade & of the development of a mighty Ameri- 
can State such as Brazil, should not be left to the contingencies of a settlement 
by Powers bent on commercial conquest & whose, systems are peculiarly col- 
onizing. Brazil should, by all means, seize this moment to decide many 
more important questions than that merely of the peace even of M. Video & 
B. Ayres. Her own peace is involved; her own duties to M. Video & B. 
Ayres need to be defined, her own boundaries to be settled, and the mare 
clausum of the Plate to be broken for the development of her interior, & 
Paraguay, as well as M. Video, is to be secured in her peace & independence. 

The Minister said that Brazil had demanded this treaty of Gen! Rosas, 
& he had evaded the demand. I asked whether the appeal had been made 
to the mediating Power? He said not, & asked in turn whether I would 
recommend the demand for the treaty to be made again of Gen 1 . Rosas, or 
that the appeal should be made instantly to the Umpire? I replied that if 
the demand had been made & refused already, Brazil, justified by the neces- 
sities of war flagrante, might notify Gen! Rosas that a cessation of hostilities 
under the guarantee I have named of peace to B. Ayres from M. Video ad 
interim, was demanded, & that an appeal would be made to the mediating 
Power named in the Convention. 

This view was discussed more fully, of course, in various aspects, in order 
to its more perfect understanding & explanation. But such is a description 
of it, as impressed, I believe, on His Exc?, who seemed most favorably 
struck by it as worthy of consideration. Here, after some allusion to other 
& minor matters, in about an hour & a half's time, the conference with him 
ended. 

At 8 o'clock P. M. Gen! Guido, the Envoy of B. Ayres, came to my house. 
He signed the Convention of 1828 on the part of B. Ayres. He begged to 
know the nature & result of the interview I had with the Min: of F. Affairs. 
I informed him that having no instructions on the subject from Washington, 
I could advance and had advanced no official views whatever. That I 
had expressed my private & speculative views alone to the Minister, & as 
such had no hesitation in presenting them to him. That I was a mere 
spectator in the affair, & that neither I nor my Gov* could have any motive 
for this concealment of opinions which impartially & disinterestedly looked 
only to the good of the great American Cause. I explained to him my 



DOCUMENT 576: JULY 31, 1845 293 

understanding of the Convention of 1828 as I have described, & justified the 
propriety of the adoption of my views by Gen! Rosas. He said that I 
perfectly apprehended the bearing of that Convention, & he would rejoice 
in nothing more than to see it executed in good faith. That he did not of 
course, foresee this war with M. Video when it was drawn, but if it had been 
drawn in reference to it, it could not have more aptly fitted the emergency 
that had arisen. He went on to explain that B. Ayres had reason to be 
jealous of Brazil. That Dom Pedro I s * had sent an embassy to France 
years ago, the object of which was to mature & organize the policy of making 
a number of South American Monarchies, especially out of the Spanish Colo- 
nies. That the overtures in that behalf, made to France from Brazil, had 
been divulged, and authentic information of them had been given to Gen 1 . 
Rosas. That Abrantes, the present Minister of Brazil at Berlin had renewed 
these attempts at revolutionizing the S. American Republics, & that he had 
aided principally in originating this joint mission or armed intervention of 
England & France. That the object of Brazil was to extend her boundaries 
to the River Plate & to re-acquire both the Province of M. Video & the Entre 
Rios ; & it had been marked by a duplicity at once inimical & faithless to the 
Republic of the U. Provinces. That as soon as armed intervention was 
established Brazil would come in at the backs of England & France & secure 
the objects of her ambition. That Gen* Rosas was convinced of this, & 
that though M r Mandevile, the late Minister of England at B. Ayres, was 
very influential, personally, with Rosas, & had written by all means to retain 
him, Genl. Guido, here, yet he had rec* peremptory orders to demand his 
passports, & had so announced to the Min: of F. Affairs. I urged upon him 
the impossibility of Brazil conceiving the ambitious designs imputed to her; 
that whilst I was explaining myself that day to the Min: of F. Affairs, he 
had for a moment misapprehended me as suggesting the re-acquisition of the 
province of M. Video & had repelled the idea instantly by saying that Brazil 
was bound by this Convention to defend its separate independence & in- 
tegrity. That Brazil had not the means to encourage the hope of success 
in such an undertaking. That on the other hand she had every reason to be 
more jealous of England and France & their designs in mediating or inter- 
vening , than of Gen-f Rosas. That their policy was to bring B. Ayres & 
Brazi 1 again into collision & to reap another harvest as before out of treaties 
generated by their feuds, & to acquire some conventional or mediatorial or 
intervening rights in the trade of the Parana & Paraguay Rivers. That if 
Gen^ Rosas would only throw himself upon the Convention of 1828 with 
Brazil; say to England & France, "I will not hear to your armed inter- 
vention or joint mediation, but I will cease hostilities if England & Brazil 
will guarantee peace to B. Ayres as against M. Video until I can settle & 
adjust all questions with Brazil, the settlement of which will adjust neces- 
sarily every question with M. Video" and would lay down his arms & demand 



294 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

a definitive treaty of peace with Brazil, he would gain a decided advantage 
in diplomacy & an honorable peace. I considered that, whichever, Brazil 
or B. Ayres, took that position first, of demanding & insisting upon the 
execution of the Convention of 1828, would be on the vantage ground. And 
if both would fall back at once upon it, & fulfill it in good faith & amity, 
they would relieve themselves from the dangerous European toils which 
were encompassing them. I urged upon him that this course alone could 
relieve Gen 1 . Rosas from the necessities & hard conditions of this threatened 
armed intervention. That the appeal to the mediating Power under the 
Convention, would silence arms in all hands, would certainly retire France, 
who was most strongly inclined to arms, would limit England to peaceful 
interposition in a conventional mode, & would place the peace & prosperity 
of American States for years to come under American Control. I promised 
to write these views, in which Gen? Guido fully concurred, to M r Brent. 
On Tuesday last, in great haste, and in a very condensed form, I did so. 
To-day Gen! Guido sent to me the accompanying pamphlet & paper as 
corroborating what he had told me respecting the policy of Brazil, & a 
message promising to make a memorandum of official despatches from B. 
Ayres for my information. 

Of all this information I have put M ? Hopkins in possession, & I have 
endeavored to impress upon him the importance of convincing Paraguay 
that now, in the settlement of this war at the River, is the accepted time, 
the good season for her to acquire guarantees of her integrity & independence, 
& of the free trade in transitu, of the River Plate & all the rivers entering 
into it South of her boundaries. That in the latter object the interests of 
the U. States are concurrent with her own. That if B. Ayres is jealous of 
Brazil as to the re-acquisition of M. Video, so is the latter jealous of the former 
as to the re-acquisition of Paraguay. That Brazil is ready to renounce all 
pretension's to or designs upon M. Video, & would gladly do so by treaty in 
consider ating, especially, that B. Ayres will, on the other hand, renounce all 
pretensions to & designs upon Paraguay. Thus Paraguay may be peacefully 
recognized & secured in her independence. I have submitted to M r Hopkins 
the propriety of urging upon Paraguay the policy of rigidly following the 
example of the U. States in avoiding war with her neighbors. That the 
principal strength of Paraguay at present is her abstinence from revolution 
heretofore, & her respectability & prosperity in future depend upon peace. 
That if she will but abstain from war and from intestine commotion, she 
will have the sympathy of every civilized & commercial nation on earth in 
defense of her national existence & in opening to her trade the ports on the 
Atlantic. I have requested M r Hopkins to say to the Pres- of Paraguay 
that I will be most happy, as Minister of the U. S., to be made the medium of 
any communication to the Imp! Gov* or to Gen! Rosas through M r Brent, 
& to be the instrument of any kind offices to her in behalf of the U. States. 



DOCUMENT 577: AUGUST 8, 1845 295 

And I have also requested that M r Hopkins will despatch to me as regularly 
as he can the progress of his agency & information. I submit also to the 
Dep* the propriety of giving me here some general powers on all these sub- 
jects involved in the relations between Brazil, B. Ayres, M. Video & Para- 
guay. Here is the center of operations in S. America, & the President may 
be assured that the U. States has not a more important mission abroad than 
this, if properly attended to at home. It has not heretofore seemed to be 
appreciated there, or I would have rec d more prompt & more full notice of 
my movements. For example, I have never to this day been informed even 
whether my expose to this Gov* on the subject of the annexation of Texas 
was approved or disapproved. No instructions have as yet arrived about 
the slave-trade, or the affairs of Consuls, or about our claims. I have been 
autocrat in all these matters, because I was left to the guidance of my own 
judgment alone, & because I did not choose to sit still & see the honor & 
interests of my country suffer. Now I am actually sought after, & anxiously 
called on by both Brazil & B. Ayres for advice, counsel & information on 
subjects of the highest importance affecting the deepest interests of North 
& South America, in connexion with each other & with European Powers, & 
I find myself without Counsel from my own Gov* Please to guide me, Sir, 
in the best and most politic course to serve our Country. That is my sole 
object. The states in South America are worthy of our regard, you may 
depend upon it, & I verily believe that now is the very time to win them by 
no other means than those of honesty, conciliation & dignified fair-play. . . . 
With the highest respect [etc.] 



577 

Henry A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States l 

No. 28 Rio DE JANEIRO, August 8, 1845. 

SIR: The Ran tan frigate is off the bar & has sent in a boat. The accom- 
panying Copy of a letter from M ? Hamilton 2 & Copy of a bulletin issued at 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 14. 

2 This letter from U. S. Consul Hamilton at Montevideo, from the date line of which the 
name of the month (probably July), is omitted, follows: 

MONTEVIDEO iS*? 1 1845- 

MY DEAR SIR: We have just received by an arrival from Buenos Ayres, a letter from 
our Commercial Correspondent under date I5*. h inst. cont? the following, viz: 

"The negotiations between the Agents of Eng 4 & France & this Gov* are at an end 
the Ministers will depart in a few days, we see nothing but ruin before us." 

Hostilities we are assured will Commence immediately, great excitement in B. 
Ayres. Gen 1 . 3 Paz & Lopez have taken S* Fee, a point of vast importance to the Uni- 
tarian cause, I have no time to write particulars, but you may rest assured that the 
dethronement of Rosas is near at hand. 

In extreme haste [etc.]. 



296 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

Monte Video show the last advices from the River. M- Everett has de- 
cided, upon advice of physicians & surgeons, to return from this place to the 
U. States. 

In great haste for Cap tn M'Keever who sails in the S* Louis tomorrow 
morning. 

Very truly & respectfully [etc.]. 



578 

Henry A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States ' 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 32 Rio DE JANEIRO, August 24, 1845. 

SIR: . . . During the last week we have rec^ very important news from 
the River Plate. A letter from our Consul at M. Video to me, dated the 
7*. h inst. says: "On the 22^ inst. the Argentine squadron was captured and 
brought into this harbor, by the English & French, & dismantled, crews taken 
out and it is presumed that this direct hostility is tantamount to a declara- 
tion of war against the Argentine Republic. ' ' And he transmitted to me also 
the following copy: 

Adolphus Turner, to R. M. Hamilton, United States Consul at Montevideo 

MONTEVIDEO, August i t 1845. 

SIR: I have to acquaint you that I have been informed by Rear Admiral Inglefield, 
comd^* H. B. M. naval forces on the E. Coast of S. A. that in consequence of the 
refusal of Gen 1 - Oribe to comply with the intimation which has been made to him by the 
British & French Admirals requiring him to suspend hostilities, a rigorous blockade will 
be established of all the ports of the Oriental Republic, which are or may be occupied by 
the troops in the service of the Argentine Gov? & that the blockade of the port of the 
Buceo has been this day established. Neutral vessels now in the port of the Buceo will 
however be permited to leave that port until the 12^ inst. 

I have the honor [etc.]. 

The Buceo is a port a few miles to the E. of M. Video. 

Thus have England & France directly interposed by force to Compel Com- 
pliance with their dictation in affairs purely American. By the repeated 
interferences of the English & French Admirals, commencing with that of 
Com** 6 Purvis in 1843, the war of the Plate has been continued for the last 
two years. For it is beyond doubt that if Brown, the Argentine Admiral, 
had been permitted to take Rat Island, years ago, when it was defenceless, 
and if the rigorous blockade had not been interrupted again & again, under 
most frivolous pretexts, Montevideo would have capitulated long ago. In 
every form, at the same time, the English and French Authorities, civil & 
military, had recognized the belligerent rights on both sides; and yet, after 

* Despatches, Brazil, vol. 14. 



DOCUMENT 578: AUGUST 24, 1845 2 97 

vacillating for years, & thereby continuing hostilities, now under pretext of 
deprecating & suppressing them, they have themselves entered into the war 
by acts of direct hostilities, in violation of the plainest principles of inter- 
national law, & in a manner, too, but to inflame its passions & to increase its 
savage barbarities. For refusing the pretended mediation, war is made upon 
one only of the parties, & the intervention by force of arms is no less partial 
than unlawful. The Blockade of the Oriental ports occupied by the allied 
arms of Oribe & of the Argentine Republic; & the capture of the Argentine 
Squadron are not the only acts of hostility towards Oribe & Rosas, whilst 
the party of Rivera is upheld & defended. No not the party of Rivera. 
As I showed you in my last despatch, the defenders of M. Video are French 
f Italians not one sixth about one eighth only of the 6700 men in arms 
are Orientals. England & France, then, have interposed just at the moment 
of almost certain surrender, to uphold in fact a foreign conquest of M. 
Video by European Colonists by men who fought in masks until not very 
long ago, they were obliged to forswear French allegiance. Rivera, in fact, 
is now here, exiled by defeat & a prisoner of Brazil in the house of the M. 
Videan Minister. These are striking facts. The joint official [note?] byOuseley 
& Diff audis accompanying this, 1 will show you their pretended grounds. But 
they have gone further. They are now sending arms and munitions of war 
to Paz at Corrientes, and efforts are making to enlist Paraguay in the war 
upon Rosas. Amory Edwards Esq* arrived here on the 22^, on his way to 
Washington with despatches from M r Brent. He & the despatches he bears 
will inform you of all more fully. The reports here against M r Brent, circu- 
lated I am sure in part by Ouseley & his friends, have been villainous. 
Ousley has played a weak game of duplicity & fraud. He assured me sol- 
emnly & positively that he had no power to forcibly interpose. He eschewed 
the very term "intervention" as one of Russian interpolation peaceable, 
disinterested mediation for the common commerce & humanity of the world, 
was all his object, was his only end & meaning, & his only instruction. This 
he assured me of, asked me for a letter to M r Brent, caused me to write the 
same assurance to him bore it himself acted upon it so far as to confer 
with MT Brent, to an extent which I presume his despatches will disclose, & at 
last, after the French Minister Diff audis arrived at B. Ayres, united heartily 
in the armed intervention & arrogantly denounced M r Brent for ungentlemanly 
conduct in taking note of his previous conferences & furnishing memoranda 
to Arana, the Minister of Rosas! If God spares me ever to see Ousley, I 
will, on personal account, convince him that my opinion of his conduct to 
me was worth respecting. And I submit to Gov* that the U. States ought 
not to look tamely on at the scenes of the La Platta. I have intimated to 

This reference is to a proclamation, or announcement, signed by these men, the ministers 
of England and France, dated August 4, 1845, printed in Spanish, in the issue for August 7, 
1845, of the newspaper "El National" of Montevideo, explaining the friendly character of 
their mission. 



2 98 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

M r Hopkins the necessity of his pressing on to Assumption with all expe- 
dition. He will not wait longer for a steamer but will start on Tuesday. 
I have urged on him the propriety & policy of neutrality on the part of 
Paraguay. And I have urged more strongly on M r Brent to press Rosas to 
make two decisive moves: 

i 8 * To demand the retirement of the armed intervention of the Two 
Bullies, on the ground of a cessation of hostilities with the Banda Oriental, 
until the immediate settlement of a definitive treaty with Brazil as to the 
entire peace of S. E. South America, in fulfillment of their Convention. 

2^ An immediate & spontaneous recognition of the independence of Para- 
guay with a view to secure a neutral & a friend, when there might be a deadly 
foe at a critical moment in his affairs. M r Brent wrote me by M r Edwards, 
saying he hoped I would keep Brazil from interfering at the River. There is 
no danger of Brazil doing so openly. She dreads Rosas & begins to be 
exceedingly jealous of England & France. I have so written to him. If 
Rosas now will only make a treaty with Paraguay, opening the rivers to her 
trade it will be all in our favor & to the exclusion as much as possible of 
England & France. We will see how events will be developed. I wish that 
I could be authorized to declare only the real sentiments of our Gov* to 
Brazil. Rosas, M r Edwards says, is inclined to non-intercourse with Eng- 
land & France. This will give our trade a fair & full sweep unless England 
& France blockade. What then ought we to say & do? . . . 

I am, Sir, [etc.]. 



579 

Henry A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACT] 

Rio DE JANEIRO, August 27, 1845. 

SIR: . . . Since I closed my dispatches Gen 1 Guido, the Minister of B. 
Ayres has called on rne and said that his Gov* had ordered him to lay before 
me the entire correspondence of the Argentine Republic respecting the 
affairs of the River Plate. I gave him my advice & counsel, which he re- 
quested me to write in the form only of a private memorandum. 2 My views 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 15. 

Other documents of about this date, and on to the end of the year, are in vol. 1 4. 

2 Wise's memorandum for Guido, the Argentine Minister at Rio de Janeiro, enclosed 
with his No. 33, below this part, doc. 582, follows: 

Rio DE JANEIRO, August 27, 1845. 

We^will not stop to characterize the armed intervention of England and France at 
the River Plate. Suffice it to say, it is in violation of the laws of nations it is highly 
obnoxious and detrimental to American honor and interests at large and would well 
justify a declaration of defensive War on the part, especially, of the Argentine Republic. 



DOCUMENT 579: AUGUST 27, 1845 299 

at large will be transmitted to you in the course of a week One thing I must 
specially announce to you now. Without disclosing any of our movements 
at all, I asked Genl Guido, after urging on him the propriety & policy of Gen 1 

We will not stop either to examine the difficulties of the position of that Republic nor of 
General Rosas its Governor. 

The question is: 

How shall that Republic be best extricated from those difficulties and dangers which 
now beset it from the arms of the two most powerful nations of Europe? War with 
them is out of the question. It would not be politic, even if it were doubtful as to its 
results. War is what they desire and War is what the Argentine Republic should by all 
honorable means avoid. I assert: 

I 8 .* That it can honorably avoid War 

2 nd That it can, peacefully, more effectually resent and punish the Arrogant and 
Ambitious aggressions of England and France by the pen than by the sword 

How? 

There are two moves for the Argentine Republic: 

i 8 .* Instantly, and without pausing upon the terms, proclaim a cessation of hostilities 
with the Banda Oriental, and demand the retirement of the armed intervention of Eng- 
land and France: demand it both of them and of the Empire of Brazil, until the Argentine 
Republic and Brazil shall consummate their preliminary Conventin of 1828, which still 
binds them to adjust and conclude the definitive treaty of peace between them which is to 
define "the time and the manner" in which "the independence and integrity of the Prov- 
ince of Monte Video" are to be defended (See said Convention Article $*? 17^ and 1 8^) 
And call upon Brazil to fulfil that Convention forthwith by the immediate appointment 
of Plenipotenciaries for that purpose. 

Such is the first move. Brazil, I venture to say, will accede to it. This will: 

I 8 - 1 Retire necessarily the armed intervention. The war between the Argentine and the 
Banda ceasing, the effect the intervention must cease also. 

2 a . d It will secure the peace of all South Eastern South America. 

3 rd It will dispense with all European and Substitute American guarantees. 

4^ It will define the territorial limits and secure the permanent independence of the 
Banda Oriental: secured, defended and guaranteed by Brazil and the Argentine Republic 

The next and greatest move is: 

2 ndi y T O proclaim simultaneously with the first move, and spontaneously, the 
Independence of Paraguay; and immediately to enter upon and conclude a treaty of Amity, 
boundaries and Commerce, with that state. 

This last is most important. It will be hailed with acclamation by the United States 
and by all nations who desire to see the prosperity of American States, and to see the 
Two Domineering Powers disappointed of their prey in South America. This will 

I 8 .* Make a friend and neutral, where a foe might be expected, in the State of Para- 
guay, to General Rosas and the Argentine Republic, in this crisis. 

2 n - d The Independence of Paraguay must be acknowledged sooner or later. Why not 
do it graciously, and generously, and secure its advantages on the most favorable terms 
of neutrality at this time, and of a treaty which will likely be more auspicious now than 
ever hereafter? 

3 rd It will paralize Paz at Corrientes. 

4* h It will be more advantageous to the revenues of the Argentine than if attached to 
that Republic as a province, by the tax it will yield on the trade in transitu of egress and 
ingress on the Parana and Paraguay rivers. 

5^ It will above all enable the A rgentine Republic to revenge herself amply of England and 
France. How? 

On this latter point I must enlarge a little. I cite the latest, the best experience of the 
United States. Turn your eye to the Map of North America, look at its geography, and 
remember its history. 

From the extreme West running East on its northern and widest breadth is a vast 
chain of lakes. They are the boundary of the United States on the north. The 
United States, now wish not to pass farther north 

Heading near those lakes in the north, and running nearly at right angles to the 
South, is the Mighty Mississippi river of the Interior of the Continent, with the Mis- 
souri and its other scarcely less Mighty branches from the East and the West. The 
mouth of that Mississippi belonged to Spain. Napoleon snatched it from Spain. 
Afterwards, seeing its vast importance, having no navy, being at war with England who had 



300 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

Rosas' recognition of the independence of Paraguay, what the Argentine 
Republic would say to a recognition of Paraguay by the U. States the coming 
Winter? His answer was: "I speak to you as Guido, not as Minister 

a navy, and fearing that it would inevitably fall into the hands of his rival, he sold it^ to the 
United States to prevent its conquest by England. Thence, from the acquisition of 
Louisiana, may be dated the immense development of the United States. They thereby 
commanded the great internal artery of the continent. The valley of that river is now 
teeming with population, towns, villages, wealth, trade and power. Had England 
acquired or France retained its outlet, or the power to tax its trade, it is doubtful whether 
the north American Confederacy could have existed much less have arrived to the 
grandeur which the Union now exhibits, and is daily unfolding in larger and larger 
astonishing proportions. The census of the valley of the Mississippi of 1840 will show 
the magical results which this acquisition has acheived for the United States, in the 
moment, I may say in speaking of the age of a nation, of only 30 years. The results 
prove the genius of Napoleon. His sagacity and his jealousy of England gave us this 
strength to oppose her dominion over us, and snatched from her this strength to oppose 
France and all the rest of the world. 

Now turn to the Map of South America. Commencing in the extreme West, and 
running nearly due East, directly under the line of the Equator, is the great river of the 
Amazon. Near its waters in the north are the fountains of the Parana and the Para- 
guay rivers which run South, as the Mississippi and Missouri to the lakes of the Gulf of 
St Lawrence, nearly at right angles to the Amazon. What the Mississippi and Mis- 
souri rivers are to the North American these Parana and Paraguay rivers are to the 
South American Continent. But the correspondence ceases with physical facts. 
Though the physical geography be so strikingly similar, the political geography of the 
one continent varies very widely from that of the other. The United States run to the 
lakes, but not beyond them north. Brazil runs north beyond the Amazon. The United 
States possess and wield the whole territorial domain of the Mississippi and Missouri and 
most of their tributaries and, especially, all their outlets and ascending and descending 
trade. The territorial domain of the Parana and Paraguay, confluent in the La Platta, 
is held by no less than four different and widely differing and now dissenting and dis- 
agreeing States. 

From this similarity in physical, and this dissimilarity in political geography, essential 
truths are to be evolved. The Argentine Republic, Brazil the Banda Oriental and 
Paraguay must not overlook them without expecting in a very short era of future 
time to pay the cost of so flagrant a folly 
They ought all to see 

i" That they, one and all, are most deeply interested for all future time, not to allow 
England and France to grasp the outlet of the great internal arteries of the South American 
Continent. They ought, unitedly and seperately, to oppose this greatest of all European 
infringements upon American interests. They and each of them ought to submit to 
almost any temporary sacrifice to prevent this greatest and most ultimate injury to 
themselves. They ought to take the alarm at the immediate presence of danger 
more threatening to their great outlet of their interior, than ever threatened the outlet 
of the Mississippi. France and England were at War, when the United States bought 
of the Un- Marine power the Key of their valley of the Mississippi. Mark! England and 
France are now con-joint at the River Plate! It is a joint armed intervention. Guizot 
and Sir Robert Peel perfectly understand how their States lost by their broils the Key of 
the North American Continent. By their joint tenancy they will now if they can acquire 
the Key of the Interior of South America. When the two rogues fell out we honestly 
came to our due. That, they have found out and now they will unite for a common spoil 
of South America to make up for their irretrievable losses in South America by their 
wars! The command of the trade of the Plate of the Paranaof the Paraguay of 
the entire Interior of South America is the joint object of their joint intervention be- 
tween Buenos Ayres and Monte Videol!! That is their object; they will first acquire 
that, and then quarrel over the acquisition afterwards. But that they will acquire if not 
prevented by a timely policy. 

2 ndi y The South Eastern South American States ought to see that their policy is peace 
What England and France in fact most desire is War between them and War with them. 
Therefore General Rosas ought to avoid War. They want War for pretexts, and they 
want pretexts for acquisition and conquests Let the Armed intervention then be retired 
as soon as possible, by a proclamation of peace between the Banda Oriental and the 



DOCUMENT 579: AUGUST 27, 1845 3OI 

when I say, that the independence of Paraguay is already established, Gen 1 
Rosas has not the power to re-acquire the Country or to resist or prevent its 
independence I asked: " Would, then, the Argentine Republic take it as 
unfriendly if the U-States Minister here or at B. Ay res were to request the 
recognition?" He answered: "My opinion is that, at this time nothing 
coming from the U. States would be rec d as unfriendly, which was not in- 
Argentine Republic. If that be not done the Banda Oriental, with the Mare dausum 
of the La Platta, becomes a colony of England and France, a territory of foreigners 
acquired by foreign conquest. 

3 r - d The South Eastern South American States ought to guarrantee their own peace 
and dispense as soon as possible with European Guarantees. This armed intervention, 
you see, proceeds from the pretense of stipulated guarantees. 

4^ It is important especially to the Argentine Republic that the Independence of the 
Banda Oriental should be defended, because nothing less than that Independence will 
preserve the balance of power between that Republic and the Empire of Brazil. The 
Interior of Brazil must pass through the Parana and Paraguay to get to the Ocean. 
If Brazil holds the mouth of La Platta and one bank of the rivers, she may control the 
Argentine Republic. If not, she is dependent upon the Republic for egress and ingress 
to and from the Interior. The Independence of the Banda Oriental is a mutual check. 

5*? 1 The Argentine Republic ought to perceive and bear in mind that she has the 
vantage ground of riparian rights Paraguay holds one bank of each of two rivers. 
The Banda Oriental holds one bank of the outlet of the great La Platta. Brazil holds 
the Sources The Argentine holds Ambi-Riparian rights both sides of the rivers for a 
great extent and one bank of the great outlet What then? Let the Argentine then 
make use of this with effect by 

I 8 .* Being liberal to Paraguay and Brazil. Let her treat with both on generous 
terms, allowing all the growth manufactures or products of Brazil and Paraguay to 
descend the Rivers paying only a moderate duty on the trade in transitu. Let this 
be moderate-yThe more moderate, the more trade the more trade, the more revenue 
to the Argentine. 

2 nd Let the Argentine reserve to her own tariff of duties the rate of taxation on the 
ascending trade passing through her territories. She may say who may pass what tax 
they who pass shall pay. She may discriminate against England and France. And 
thus she may reach them thus she may be redressed thus she may touch their more 
tender nerve the nerve more tender than that of their Soldier's Skin the nerve of 
their commerce their pocket nerve! I thus she may punish their usurpation more se- 
verely by the pen of proclamation of peace and of treaty with Brazil, and Paraguay, 
than by her own good sword. I urge therefore the moves: 

i 8 -* To proclaim peace with the Banda Oriental and the demand of the execution of 
the Convention of 1828 with Brazil. 

2 n - d To proclaim the Independence of Paraguay and to negotiate forthwith a treaty of 
friendship, boundary and Commerce with her. 

These are the moves to extricate not only the Argentine but all South America from 
the toils of England and France. These look to the great future, throwing aside petty, 
personal, and Minor present interests. These promote peace and commercial pros- 
perity. These strike the efficient blows of scientific statesmanship and of a system of 
national and continental policy for South America and against European domination. 
These will be approved by all other European Powers, except England and France, and 
will be hailed with welcome plaudits by all American States who are disinterestedly but 
anxiously looking on for the present and ultimate triumph of the Great American Cause. 

I beg you then to urge these moves on General Rosas as I shall upon M? Brent This 
is mere private advice. I cannot speak officially. I speak only as man and American. 
The United States cannot interpose. I can only advise Lastly General Guido ought 
not, by every consideration, to depart from this Court at this time. On the ground^ of 
peace and conciliation, the Imperial Government ought to decline to consent to give 
him his pass-ports. 

Such is but a skeleton of a sketch of my private views: take it for what it is worth. 
Note 

The additional article of the convention of 1828 refers to the trade of the River Plate 
to be settled by the difinitive treaty of peace. 



302 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

tended to be so; and I think that a recognition of Paraguay by the U. States 
would be approved by the Argentine Republic." 

. . . This I regard as a private & friendly note & I beg you so to consider 
it, except the extract as to interview with Guido. 



580 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to Antonio Paulino L. de 
Abreu, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Brazil l 

Rio DE JANEIRO, September j, 1845. 

The undersigned in accordance with his promise to His Excellency the 
Minister and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs on the 2 n(J Instant now 
incloses a copy of his private Memoranda 2 prepared at the request of His 
Excellency General Guido on the policy of the Argentine Republic in respect 
to the armed intervention of England and France in the Affairs of the River 
Plate. 

The undersigned trusts that His Excellency will regard this as intended to 
be a mere brief of his own private, individual and unofficial, views ; and that 
His Excellency will see nothing in them but an anxious desire to promote the 
permanent peace and prosperity of South American States, and to recom- 
mend a system of policy calculated to prevent and counteract a European 
interference, dangerous alike to their harmony, their commercial interests, 
their political power and influence, and their national independence. Know- 
ing the deep interest which the United States feel in the general welfare of 
South America, and the jealousy of European interference in American Af- 
fairs, which, under every administration, they have always manifested, the 
undersigned cannot but be watchful of this armed intervention by England 
and France. He feels no little apprehension respecting the now threatened 
occupation by these Powers of the Island of Martin Garcia, which commands 
the whole trade of the La Platta and its confluents. He therefore hopes 
that he will be excused for enquiring for the information of his Government 
whether the Imperial Government is informed of any object of this joint 
armed intervention by England and France beyond the suppression of hos- 
tilities between the Banda Oriental and the Argentine Republic? And 
whether the Imperial Government has reason to apprehend that England 
and France or either of them intend to seize, occupy, or hold, jointly or 
seperately, any portion of the territory of either the Banda Oriental or the 
Argentine Republic? And in the event that they or either of them do ac- 
tually seize, hold, or occupy any portion of said territory whether it will be 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 14, enclosed with Wise to the Secretary of State, No. 33, below, 
this part, doc. 582. In subsequent correspondence in this volume, Antonio Paulino L. de 
Abreu bears the title of Visconde de Abaete. 2 Above, this part, doc. 579, note 2. 



DOCUMENT 581 : SEPTEMBER 6, 1845 303 

done with the approbation and consent of Brazil? or, whether Brazil will 
protest against and oppose such seizure occupation or possession? These 
enquiries are made without in the least doubting the faithfulness of the 
Imperial Government to the true American policy, and with no other object 
or intention than that of giving to the President of the United States the 
most authentic information and assurances 
The undersigned has the honor [etc.]. 



581 

Henry A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States I 

No. 33 Rio DE JANEIRO, September 6, 1845. 

SIR: On the 2^ ultimo His Excellency General Guido, Envoy &c of the 
Argentine Republic, called to say that he was instructed to lay before me, as 
Envoy of the United States at this court, all the correspondence of his 
Goverm* in relation to late events at the River Plate. He described and 
discussed pretty fully the character of that correspondence, and said that, as 
soon as copies could be made, they should be furnished. The copies are not 
yet complete, but will soon be transmitted to your Department. Being thus 
formally called on for my views, I hesitated not to present them; but dis- 
claimed from the beginning, that they should be considered as anything 
more than my own private and unofficial opinions upon subjects as to which 
I had no instructions and no part to act. I commenced by acknowledging a 
due sense of the compliment paid to the United States by the Go verm- of the 
Argentine Republic in seeking the counsel of their Minister here; and, per- 
sonally, I would endeavour to return it by presenting the results of my 
soundest judgment and gravest reflections, on the subjects submitted, for the 
consideration of General Rosas. After giving and pretty fully illustrating 
my views of the true policy of Argentine Republic, General Guido seemed so 
pleased with them as earnestly to request written memoranda. I consented 
to present him with a confidential brief and concluded by asking him 
pointedly: "Would the Argentine regard it as unfriendly on the part of the 
United States should they, at the coming session of Congress, recognize the 
Independence of, and appoint a diplomatic representative to the State of 
Paraguay "? He replied that he could only express confidentially his 
private sentiments on that subject. That, thus understood, he was em- 
phatic in the sentiment that Paraguay should be acknowledged: that time, 
and inability to subdue that State, had clearly established already her right 
to be recognized, and he thought it the undoubted policy of General Rosas to 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 14. 



304 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

proclaim her independence. On the 28*? Ultimo I sent to General Guido a 
brief of the Memoranda of the views expressed to him on the 25*? a copy of 
which is inclosed marked "A" 1 These Memoranda speak for themselves, 
and you will gratify me very much by saying whether they are approved, and 
whether I acted properly in presenting them at all under the circumstances? 
The letters from M r Hamilton assure me that General Rosas, to the surprise 
of every body, sacredly regarded the persons and property of English, French 
and all foreigners in Buenos Ayres. And the last advices contain a proclama- 
tion by him, declaring a general Amnesty to all his internal enimies, the 
Unitarians, restoring to them their confiscated rights, and inviting them 
back to their homes, and pledging them protection and security. This, his 
true policy, has excited no little sympathy in his behalf, and taken the armed 
intervention aback. No less than 1500 foreigners in Buenos Ayres have 
formally protested against the armed intervention by England and France 
The enclosed copies, marked "B,", from the letters of M ? Hamilton will 
give you the particulars of the latest news. 2 By the by, ought we not to 

1 Above, this part, doc. 579, note 2. 

2 The following are the pertinent portions of two letters from U. S. Consul Hamilton which 
were enclosed with this despatch from Wise: 

Private MONTEVIDEO, August 10, 1843. 

MY DEAR SIR. . . . The Argentine Govern* having refused to accede to the require- 
ments of the English and French Ministers viz to withdraw its troops from the Oriental 
territory and its Naval Forces from the Waters of Monte Video the latter Functionaries 
demanded and received their pass-ports on the i 8 -* Inst. and embarked for Monte Video 
where they arrived on the 2 n - d a few hours after which Admiral Brown in Command of 
the Argentine Naval Forces near this port consisting of one Ship two Brigs and two 
Sch got under way with the intention of proceeding with them to Buenos Ayres when 
they were immediately fired upon by the English and French Vessels of War the Squad- 
ron struck their flags and surrendered as captives to a superior force they were then 
taken possession of as prizes to the combined Naval Forces of England and France and 
brought into this port and dismantled and subsequently the Crews were all taken out 
and the English and American Seamen were landed here. Admiral Brown his officers 
and Argentines were conducted to Buenos Ayres in the "Fire Brand" Steamer of 
Americans there are about 30 landed in this beseiged city without the means of sub- 
sistence and are dependant on this Consulate for the necessaries of life had I been aware 
of the intention to land them here I would have endeavoured to prevent it and would 
have requested the landing of them at Buenos Ayres where our Consul could have pro- 
vided them with passage home the Boston has taken a few of them the rest are on my 
hands at the expense of our Government and interrupting me every moment while at 
my desk. The Capture of Brown's Squadron appears to me to have been a high handed 
and premature measure and smells strongly of the Copenhagen Affair The British 
Ship of War the " Comus " as is customary fired a shot ahead of the Admirals Ship not so 
with the French Brig " passes" [Dassas?] which crossed the Stern of Brown and fired a 
raking broadside into him the Admiral B. complains bitterly of such unnecessary and 
unexpected hostility on the part of the latter the shot entered his cabin windows and 
sweeped his "tween decks" but all his men being above escaped injury. 

I enclose you a very interesting paper received yesterday from the "Camp" of 
General Oribe containing the official letters of Admirals Inglefield and Laine to General 
Oribe and the answer of the latter through his Secretary alias "Minister of Foreign 
Affairs Carlos Villademoros. I would recommend that you get them translated and 
feel assured that my friend Col Coe would do it for you with pleasure you will take much 
interest in the subject matter of the same. 

We have accounts from Buenos Ayres to the 5^ Instant informing us that Rosas had 
already ordered some three or four Vessels deeply laden with stone to be sunk in the 



DOCUMENT 581: SEPTEMBER 6, 1845 305 

have a charg6 immediately at Monte Video? If one be appointed, the Gov- 
ernment could not find a fitter person than the gentleman, M- Hamilton, 
who now so faithfully and ably discharges the duties of the Consulate there. 
I beg pardon for obtruding my recommendation, but you may rely on it, Sir, 
that the interests of the United States would be greatly subserved by making 
M P Hamilton Charg6 de Affairs at Monte Video, as soon as it can be done. 
Such is not only my opinion, but that of our leading Commercial men here. 
He has been keeping a regular journal, a good history, in fact, of events at 
the River for years. Having forwarded it to me, from time to time, as a 
private paper for my use which I have found of great service, I have requested 
him to send a copy of it, complete, to the Department of State. It is some- 
what tinged with the Montevidean coloring, but is more full and accurate in 
its statement of events than any other source of information I know of. The 
most important information in his last letter to me is that of the threatened 
seizure of the isle of Martin Garcia which lies at the Confluence of the Parand 
and Uruguay rivers, and commands the whole trade of the La Plata and of 

channel of "Martin Garcia" to obstruct, the navigation of the Parana and Paraguay 
Rivers and that so soon as he heard of the capture of his squadron he instantly ordered 
some four or five vessels more to be sunk for same purpose we have not yet heard of any 
outrages being committed on the persons or property of Foreigners at Buenos Ayres 
but they are anticipated the probability is that Rosas will place an Embargo on all 
British and French property and issue a Decree of Non-Intercourse with those nations 
if so a Blockade of Buenos Ayres and War will be the result to the great injury of the 
foreign Merchants. 

The " Firebrand " Steamer is looked for hourly from Buenos Ayres with the hope that 
there may be something favorable from Rosas if not active hostilities on the part of the 
English and French will be brought into operation the storming and taking "Martin 
Garcia" is talked of as the first step it is strongly fortified and garrisoned with Eight 
hundred men and commands the entrance of all the tributary streams to the River Plate 
consequently of vast importance if taken the obstructions in the channel placed by Rosas 
can soon be removed when the upper provinces at War with Rosas will be enabled to 
find a market for their produce at Monte Video and thus a valuable trade will be opened 
to the Commercial comunity at this beseiged city and the efforts of Oribe to prevent it 
paralized. . . . 

I am, Sir, very truly [etc.]. 

Private MONTEVIDEO, August 17, 1845. 

MY DEAR SIR: We had been waiting with intense anxiety the last ten days for an 
arrival from Buenos Ayres in expectation of some important news and last evening the 
"Fire-Brand" made her appearance but nothing particularly interesting was brought 
by except that all was perfectly tranquil and that foreigners in general placed great 
confidence in Rosas that he would not suffer the slightest outrages to be perpertrated 
on their persons or property this may be looked upon as a matter of policy on his part 
whereby the smpathy of other nations may be attracted to his cause. 

I am under the impression that the Agents of England and France do not intend to 
direct their hostilities any further (After capturing the squadron) against Buenos Ayres 
but will confine their operations to Oribe and his Army all the sundry small ports in his 
possession will be strictly Blockaded with the view of cutting off his supplies. 

Browns Squadron yet remains in this harbour dismantled it is said however the two 
Sen 1 ? will be fitted out immediately under English colors and used for blockading pur- 
poses. 

I enclose you herewith the "British Packet containing a furious publication in regard 
to the course persued by the English and French Admirals you must bear in mind that 
said p^aper is a Gov* organ and entirely under the controul of" Rosas who revises it. 

Believe me Dear Sir [etc.]. 



306 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

the Interior of South America Therein lies the whole secret of this armed 
intervention by England and France. Calling on the Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, on Tuesday the 2 n . d Inst I informed him that I had just heard of the 
probable occupation of this island by the armed intervention; that it excited 
my apprehensions; that I had, at the request of General Guido furnished him 
with my private views long ago expressed to him the Minister; that the 
United States representative at Buenos Ayres M r Brent had urged upon me 
the policy of neutrality on the part of Brazil; but if England and France 
proceeded to occupy posts commanding the whole trade of South America, 
Brazil would have to do more than to be neutral and the United States would 
undoubtedly have a word to say in the way of protest and remonstrance. 
The Minister replied, most earnestly, that he desired to be furnished with a 
copy of my views as presented to General Guido; that I might assure M- 
Brent of the strictest neutrality on the part of Brazil; and that the Imperial 
Govern^ desired nothing more than a definitive treaty of permanent peace 
with the Argentine Republic, which would retire all intervention and settle 
all the difficulties of the four South Eastern South American States; and that 
Brazil would never acquesce in the armed intervention of England and 
France farther than they were justified by Conventional and international 
law to interpose for the immediate suppression of raging hostilities. As I 
left the Office of Foreign Affairs I met General Guido and informed him of 
what I had said and of what assurances I had obtained; and inquired whether 
he had any objection to furnishing the Minister of Foreign Affairs with my 
Memoranda to him. He approved of my doing so. Consequently, on the 
4*? Inst, I sent to His Excellency the Minister a copy, 1 and also forwarded 
copies to M Hamilton, at Monte Video, and to M- Brent, at Buenos Ayres. 
My object has been to prevent jealousy, and war perhaps, between Brazil 
and the Argentine Republic; to cease hostilities at the River between the 
latter and the Banda Oriental ; to, thereby, retire the armed intervention of 
England and France; to obtain the proclamation of the independence of 
Paraguay, and the permanently adjusted peace, and boundaries and trade 
of all South Eastern South America; and, by all means, to secure advantages, 
at all events equality, to the Commerce of the United States. You will see 
and say whether I have gone the right way to work out these desirable ends. 
You may be assured that we now stand on the best possible footing with all 
the South American Powers in this section of the continent. Please instruct 
me on these great subjects. . . . 2 

With the highest personal and official regard [etc.]. 

* For his note of transmittal, see above, this part, doc. 580. 

2 The omitted portion relates to claims and other matters not pertinent to this publication. 



DOCUMENT 582: SEPTEMBER 14, 1845 307 

582 

General Tomds Guido, Argentine Minister to Brazil, to Henry A. Wise, United 

States Minister to Brazil l 

D. Confidential Rio DE JANEIRO, September 14, 1843. 

I am very unwilling to trouble your Exc? at present while in such distress 
on account of the illness of your child, but Your Exc? will appreciate my 
official duty and excuse this letter. 

Yesterday it was understood that M r Hamilton had determined, by a 
species of agreement with the Commanders of the "Racer," the "Grecian," 
the "Resistance" & the "Cyclops," English vessels of war, to send to 
Montevideo & place at the disposal of the British Admiral on that station the 
English regiment N 9 45 which had arrived in this harbour on its way to the 
Cape of Good Hope. 

This intelligence is confirmed by the journals of to-day; & all the informa- 
tion which I have obtained from respectable persons who are in communion 
with M- Hamilton goes to corroberrate the statement. 

I need not offer any reflections to Your ExcT upon the importance of this 
event. Your Exc? is well aware that whatever may have been the origin of 
this measure, its object is the consolidation of English influence in Monte- 
video, whilst it must give fresh provocation to the national exasperation of 
the Republics of the Rio de la Plata. 

For my part, I have called the attention of S- Limpo de Abreu to 
the matter both confidentially & officially. I know not how the Cabinet of 
Brazil in presence of the preliminary convention of peace of 1828, can mis- 
understand the subject, and still less do I understand how that can be called 
national authority which exists in Monte Video under foreign bayonets, or 
how the Empire can maintain diplomatic relations with it in defiance of the 
national sentiment of the Republic of Uruguay, which resists in mass the 
unjust aggression of the maritime Powers of Europe. 

I presume that your Exc? is already informed of the attempt of the Com- 
mander of the Grecian to fit out steamers in this port for the Rio de la Plata, 
& that the " Paranapitaya " has been hired for 4 months. There seems to 
me no rashness in supposing that these vessels are destined for the naviga- 
tion of the Parand & the Uruguay, in spite of the absolute right of the 
riparian States to forbid traffic there to foreigners. 

The noble interest which Your Exc? takes in the independence & welfare of 
the States of America, & particularly of my country, does not permit me to 
doubt that you will give your attention to this new circumstance ; and above 
all, I have deemed it my duty to mention to your ExcT what I had represented 
to S r Limpo in regard to the direction of the English troops. 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 14, enclosed with Wise to the Secretary of State, No. 34, below, 
this part, doc. 583. 



308 PART IV! COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

I will call upon Your ExcT at my earliest leisure & make my acknowledg- 
ments of the esteemed note which accompanied your important memorial & 
at the same time furnish Y. E. with copies of the correspondence between my 
Gov* & the intervening Ministry of England & France, the contents of which 
I have already communicated to Your Exc?. 

I have [etc.]. 



583 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 34 Rio DE JANEIRO, September 26, 1845. 

SIR: ... I transmit also the copy of a letter marked "C," I have just 
red from M r Consul Hamilton, at Montevideo, 2 showing his efficiency in 

* Despatches, Brazil, vol. 14. 

2 The pertinent portion of the letter from Consul Hamilton follows: 

Private MONTEVIDEO, September 2, 1845. 

ESTEEMED SIR: ... I mentioned in my last communication that the Argentine 
Squadron had been dismantled in this port, since when, the Vessels (with the exception 
of the ship) have all been refitted for service by the English & French, two of them a 
Brig & Sch? have been added to the Flotilla of this Gov* under the Oriental Flag the 
balance have been divided between the English & French, under the respective flags of 
those nations; On the 28* ult? the Flotilla of this place, consisting of light schooners 
with pivot guns, and two Brigs, departed on an expedition up the River, under the 
command of Garibaldi, an Italian of great experience & bravery, the Steamer Firebrand 
with Admiral Inglefield on board, & several other English & French ships of War, 
accompanied the Flotilla, taking with them some fifteen hundred men, English, French, 
Orientals & Italians, the object of this expedition is said to be the taking possession of 
Colonia, Mercedes & other small ports which are occupied by Argentine troops, under 
the command of Oribe, as also to open the Parana & Uruguay for commercial purposes; 
we are yet ignorant of the result, nothing having arrived from Colonia since the de- 
parture of the Fleet. 

I enclose a Copy of a Decree published at Buenos Ayres 27* ult? [Below, this foot- 
note. Ed. ^forbidding all intercourse with the Vessels of War of England & France 
Gen! Rosas is aware of the disposition made of his squadron, but remains tranquil for the 
present, on the score of retaliation; some five or six vessels with cargoes averaging 
30,000 each, destined for B. A? from Liverpool, are daily expected to arrive, & I am 
under the impression that he is waiting for this augmentation to the British interests in 
B. A? when, Jike the Crouching Lion, he will spring upon his prey & hold it as indemnity 
for the hostilities practised on his squadron & then decree a non-intercourse in general 
with France and England this is mere supposition on my part, "Veremos." The 
Montevideo Gov* (in imitation of the English & French) published a Decree on the 19^ 
ult declaring all the ports of the Republic which were occupied by the enemy, under 
rigorous Blockade, from the date of said Decree; Maldonado is at present Blockaded by 
H. B. M. Ship Comus, & the Buceo by the French Brig " Pandor," & the flotilla of Mon- 
tevideo will probably attend to the minor ports of the Uruguay. 

September 5* 

A French Brig arrived last evening from Colonia, bringing the intelligence of the 
surrender of that place, to the combined forces, of Eng4 France & Oriental, after some 
show of resistance, on Sunday last 31"-* ult? little or no bloodshed, on either side, a few 
shells from the shipping were all sufficient, & the Oriental flag was hoisted, & the place 
garrisoned by Italians Orientals, several guns have been landed to better fortify the 



DOCUMENT 583: SEPTEMBER 26, 1845 309 

causing the repeal of the war duty on our flour in the ports of the Banda 
Oriental ; & the progress of the armed intervention which should now be 
called the armed invasion by England & France of the Argentine Republic. 
They have taken Colonia & evidently mean to occupy the islands & other 
positions commanding the trade of the Parana, Uraguay & Paraguay rivers. 
For the last few months my youngest son had been in a very weak state, 
and about the beginning of this month he sank so suddenly that I appre- 
hended his death every moment for a week. Watching his couch, a great 
deal of fatigue and breach of rest prostrated me also, & not until the last few 
days have I been able to think of work. During my sickness, I rec^ from the 
Buenos Ayres' Minister, Gen 1 . Guido, a note in Spanish of which the inclosed 
marked " D " is a rough translation. 1 I could not attend to its subject at the 
time; & being still unwell, I sent M r Walsh, on Tuesday the last Audience 
day, to confer with the Minister of Foreign Affairs: I 8 * As to the John S. 
Bryan & other claims of the U. States: 2^ As to the subject of Brazil 
allowing England to fit out steamers in her ports for the war at the Plate, & 
the necessity of strict neutrality on the part of the Imp! Gov- 3^ As to the 
views presented by me to Gen 1 . Guido on the true policy of Gen! Rosas at 
this crisis, copies of which have been sent home & to the Minister of Foreign 
Affairs. On Wednesday, the 26^, Mr Walsh reported to me by note of 
which the inclosed marked "E" is a copy. 2 From this you will see that the 

place, & it will be made a very stronghold, tinder the direction of English & French 
Engineers, several persons Eng^ & French, residents of Colonia & its vicinity, have been 
made Prisoners & sent some few leagues into the interior, by the " Blancos," & it is much 
feared that they will fall victims to their vengeance. Beleive me [etc.]. 
The blockade of B.A? is likely to ensue shortly 
H. A. Wise Es q - r 

Decree of the Government of Buenos Ayres 
[TRANSLATION.] 

BUENOS AYRES, August 27, 1845. 

In consequence of the offensive, and hostile proceedings of the Naval forces of H . B . M . & 
of H. M. the King of the French, against those of the Argentine Confederation, and their 
coersive aggressions against the Republic, and in precaution of the consequences that 
may ensue, which the Government is sincerely desirous of averting, it has resolved, and 
Decreed; 

Art I 8 -' All kind of communication direct, or indirect, with the Vessels of War of 
H. B. M. and of H. M. the King of the French, in this port, in those of the province, & on 
its coasts, and in the ports, and on the coasts of the Republic, is for the present, and 
until otherwise ordained, prohibited. 

Art 2. Any person contravening the foregoing resolution shall suffer the Penalties 
which the Government may deem proper to inflict, according to the circumstances of 
the case," 

1 See above, this part, doc. 582. 

2 The pertinent portion of Mr. Walsh's note to Minister Wise follows: 

September 24, 1845. 

DEAR SIR: . . . The paper given to Gen! Guido he had attentively read, but he 
thinks it is too late to hope for the withdrawal of England and France, whatever may be 
the measures adopted by Rosa's. His conviction evidently is that they intend to keep 
what they have got, and to get as much more as they can interveningly if possible, openly 



310 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

Minister of Foreign Affairs concurs fully in my apprehensions as to the real 
designs of England & France. What Doria said in respect to Rivera was 
surprising to me. M r Walsh tells me this morning, however, that it is 
greatly doubted whether it can be correct. The appropriation for the J. S. 
Bryan claim is made & it "will be paid forthwith/ ' The answer as to the 
other claims, you see, is in the same key of the gamut. 

By letter dated Sept* 12* M r Hopkins had reached as far as Rio Grande. 
He had a long passage from Rio de Janeiro to that place. He would proceed 
to Rio Pardo by steamer the next week. He says his journey is surrounded 
by difficulties almost insurmountable. He has, however, an excellent guide ; 
& hopes to be in Assuncion in 20 days from Rio Pardo. He adds; "Bolivia 
has recognized the independence of Paraguay/' 

I am very weak & must conclude, [etc.]. 



584 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 

Rio DE JANEIRO, November 24, 1845. 

SIR: . . . When M ? Edw d A. Hopkins, the agent of the U. States for 
Paraguay, was here, he addressed to me a letter & account with the U. States 
of which the inclosed marked "K" are copies. 2 I hope that by this time he 
is there, & I regret deeply that he was not there some months previous; for 
yesterday the official Journal of Rio de Janeiro, announced the news, via Rio 
Grande, that Paraguay had perpetrated the egregious & fatal folly of entering 
into a treay offensive & defensive with Corrientes, and had stipulated to 
furnish an army of 10,000 men to be placed under the command of Gen* Paz 
in the war against Rosas or the Argentine Republic. This news seems to be 
too authentic & positively stated not to be true, & yet it is so bad for the 
prospect of Paraguay that I would willingly doubt it. If it be true, it should 
postpone the recognition of her independence by us, until it be established by 
the result of successful war. England & France, I apprehend, have incited 
Paraguay to this suicidal step, &, if it has been taken, they, I have no doubt, 
have supplied in part the means of hostilities. A universal war in S. Eastern 

if they must. The Montevidean minister, kept me waiting nearly an hour in the ante 
room so that S nr - Limpo must have been pretty full of the subject by the time I was 
admitted to his presence. I was told by Doria, the Sardinian Charge, that he knows 
officially, that the Government of Montevideo have forbidden the return of Rivera; 
and given directions to stop any vessel in their waters in which there is a suspicion of his 
being a passenger. 

Hoping that you are better I am [etc.]. 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 14. * Not pertinent to this publication. 



DOCUMENT 585: DECEMBER 1 6, 1845 3! I 

S. America but promotes their policy of plunder & aggrandizement. We 
have heard but little of the movements at the River Plate since their seizure 
& occupation of Martin Garcia. They are obviously bent on commanding 
the outlets & inlets of the Interior of all South America ; & every day's events 
but confirm the views of my memorandum 1 prepared for Gen! Guido & 
heretofore forwarded to the Dep* 8 of State here & at home. I send you a 
pamphlet containing the "Declaration of the Blockade of B. Ayres" by M r 
Ouseley & Baron Diffaudis. This declaration is baseless; there is no founda- 
tion for it in the conventions & treaties to which it refers. But even if there 
were grounds & good grounds for mediation, or armed intervention, or war; 
yet either of the two latter alternatives would have to be pursued by the 
respective Sovereignties, not by their Ministers ex rneri motu. A war, in fact, 
carried on by two joint intervening Ministers, as they are called, against a 
third power, whilst by treaty & without any declaration whatever to the 
contrary, the respective National Sovereignties are in a state of profound 
peace, is an anomaly in present unparalleled in past history. It raises 
singular & unprecedented questions for neutrals to decide in defence of their 
Commerce, in cases where actual war rages & no war in any legitimate form 
exists. I should not like to be either M r Brent or the Commander of the 
U. States Naval forces at the River Plate, because responsibilities might be 
thrown on me which I should reluctantly but surely take at all hazards if 
there were no instructions to the contrary. . . . 

Hoping that this despatch may fill the chasm of my late silence, I have the 
honor [etc.]. 



585 

Henry A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 

of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 36 Rio DE JANEIRO, December 16, 1845. 

SIR: . . . By the accompanying N 4 3 you will see, Sir, that the invasion 
of the armed Intervention at the River Plate has commenced in bloody 
earnest. England & France to prevent Rosas from cutting the throats of 
tens have humanely intervened to slay hundreds, if not thousands, of the 
devoted. Argentines. God grant that these may be the last victims sacrificed 
to that lust of dominion which the Two Powers have so vainly attempted to 
cloak under the other names of mediation & intervention; or that their 
sacrifice may propitiate the fates of S. America to preserve her from the ten- 
der mercies of British & French ambition & arms. It is remarkable that so 

1 Dated, August 27, 1845, above, this part, doc. 579, note 2. 

2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 14. 3 Printed; not included in this publication. 



312 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

much damage was done to the French, in comparison with that done to the 
English, unless we note the fact that the guns of the Argentine batteries were 
worked by Englishmen, as stated by the letter of the English officer whose 
report is inclosed. Note too, that the dead & wounded were almost entirely 
negroes. Rosas will make them & all the rabble meet the front of the inva- 
sion first, & then he will bring up his chosen & elite forces. The latter, the 
English & French can never conquer on the land. But the navigation of the 
rivers they will open, & they will monopolize their trade to compensate them 
for the cost of conquest. I fear they will or may obtain some pretext of 
monopoly from Paraguay, in consideration of recognizing & guaranteeing 
her independence. The negroes were repeatedly, after evacuating, driven 
back to the batteries by the regulars of Rosas in the rear, & when they finally 
fled from the storming party of the English there was an actual skirmish 
between them & the troops at their backs to compel them to return to the 
guns. This is singular warfare for this age of the world! 

N 5 * is a collection of the Diplomatic Correspondence between the 
Banda Oriental & the Argentine Republic. You will find in its perusal, Sir, 
that the diplomacy of M r Ouseley, especially, has been alike tainted by 
duplicity & fraud, & diluted by weakness & folly. His blunders, & the bully- 
ing of the French have left the policy of England & France warningly naked 
to the eye. They have insulted M r Brent by returning to him his Protest 
ag- the blockade, unanswered, simply endorsing it "received/' & making a 
point to send it back to him by a Post Captain of the British Navy. But the 
best of it is that, according to M r Hamilton (Con. at M. V.) the Two Powers 
are themselves ready to quarrel already with each other. They are urging 
Brazil to join, & reproaching the Brazilian Gov- for not joining the armed 
Intervention. I, with the Russian Minister, Lomonosoff, have succeeded 
thus far in prevailing on Brazil to maintain the strictest neutrality. And, 
indeed, M r L. de Abreu is very jealous already of the ultimate de- 
signs of the Intervention. I have essayed all means to impress upon him, as 
I would most earnestly, on my own Gov*, the important reflection that the 
last grand development of unexplored country upon earth is the Interior of S. 
America. The command of its trade, the richest of the world now in pros- 
pect, is a magnificent prize of acquisiton ; & the Parana & Paraguay rivers are 
the life-flowing veins & arteries of its outlet & inlet. England has Martin 
Garcia by conquest. She now holds the mare clausum with arms in her 
hands, will she ever relinquish it? A thousand pretexts will prolong her 
holding on with all the mighty grip of her "lion seeking" what profits of 
dominion & trade he may next "devour." The cost of the war for peace will 
all be counted, somebody must pay it before G* Britain restores the conquest, 
& what nation of Gauchos will be able to satisfy the demands? Besides, she 

* Printed; not included in this publication. This is an issue dated, November 5, 1845, of 
the "Archive Americano" covering 165 pages, quarto size, in three languages, Spanish, 
French, and English, in parallel columns. 



DOCUMENT 586: DECEMBER 23, 1845 313 

will fortify her monopoly, I repeat, by stipulations of some sort with Para- 
guay. I call again, therefore, the most earnest attention of the Pres* to the 
affairs of the River Plate. The U. States, I know, desire only peace & an 
equality of commercial privileges; but the armed intervention has brought 
nothing but war & devastation instead of peace, & is our commerce not in 
danger of losing its equal privileges by the British & French arrangement 
of the affairs of South Eastern S. America? If not before, next to the Oregon 
question, the issues of the River Plate are the most important to the U. 
States. Trying to convince you of the importance of the subject I leave its 
treatment in your hands. 1 . . . 
I have the honor [etc.]. 

586 

Henry A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States 2 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 37 Rio DE JANEIRO, December 23, 1845. 

SIR: The frigate Congress, Comm dre Stockton, arrived here day before 
yesterday, bringing the original of your despatch N 18. I had before rec* 
& answered its duplicate, which arrived here in the Courier. The Congress 
was 52 days on her passage. 

Friday last I sought an interview with S* de Abreu & called his attention 
to the obligations of the U. States under the 9*? Art. of our treaty with Eng- 
land of 1842, according to your instructions. I was special in a disclaimer 
of any intention to interfere with the domestic policy of Brazil at all & desired 
to be understood only in the sense of making a separate friendly representa- 
tion of the desire of the U. States that Brazil should by her own mean & 
in her own way arrest the foreign slave-trade to her dominions, & destroy 
the market for slaves from Africa in her territory. He made a note of my 
representations which, in all respects, I endeavored to make conformable 
to your instructions, & evidently rec^ the same without displeasure or the 
semblance of objection. Our interview on other topics was continued to 

1 The omitted portion is not pertinent to this publication. A copy of the following letter 
from U. S. Consul Hamilton at Montevideo was found enclosed with Wise's despatch, though 
not mentioned in it: 

MONTEVIDEO, November 29, 1845. 

MY DEA.R SIR: A hard battle has taken place, between the combined forces of England 
& France, and the Buenos Ayrean batteries, some short distance above the "boca" 
of the Parana, and Uruguay, I have merely time to enclose you the Bulletin just pub- 
lished leaving you to get it translated; the statement given you may rely upon as 
correct, the News having been brought hither by a British Officer, from the Parana; 
War has now regularly commenced, God only knows how, and when it will end, Lieut 
Doyle not mentioned in the Bulletin, is desperately wounded, and probably dead 

Yours most truly. 

2 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 14. 



314 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

some length. He asked for my news of affairs at the River Plate. I related 
to him my information of the battle of the Parana, told him of M r Brent's 
protest & the Insult to him by Ouseley & Diffaudis, & brought to his consid- 
eration the question of their requiring bonds of American vessels at Monte- 
Video before allowing them to sail to ports of Brazil, & urged upon him that 
his Gov* was interested as we were in opposition to such bonds. He said 
that question was referred to the Council of State. I replied that it could be 
no question with Brazil because when she formerly, during her war with B. 
Ayres, had demanded such bonds of our vessels, it was resisted by the U. 
States & indemnities were paid therefor by Brazil. The latter would not 
surely allow her commerce to be interrupted by the same means for which 
she had indemnified other powers. But, I said, it is currently reported that 
England & France are pressing upon the Imp 1 . Gov* to unite with them in the 
joint armed intervention Is that true? No, was the reply. I urged neu- 
trality as the true policy of Brazil, & he assured me of her neutrality. He 
then asked what prospect of the recognition of Paraguay by Rosas? I 
replied that the folly of the treaty of Paraguay, offensive & defensive, with 
Corientes, answered that. He asked what the U. States would do? They 
would have recognized, I think, but for that treaty & for a pending war now 
on the part of Paraguay with the Argentine Republic. That may postpone 
our recognition, but in the end the independence of that Country is certain. 
Knowing that it was no longer a secret at the River that we had an agent at 
Assumption, & having got his passports most kindly from this Minister 
through Brazil, & not wishing him to be informed by any one before by 
me of such an agent, I then told him we had an agent already there not 
to treat but to procure information; & I would be most happy for the U. 
States & Brazil & their agents at Assumption to have a friendly understand- 
ing & interchange of views as to that Country. I trust I did right in this. 
He seemed pleased & to assent, I said all we wanted was equality of com- 
mercial privileges with other powers, & we would not assent to a monopoly 
on their part to any extent or in any degree whatever. We wanted the 
Parana & Paraguay opened to ourselves & to Brazil. He said Rosas would 
not consent. I replied: let Brazil establish ports of entry on the Rivers, 
say to U. States, to France, England & all the world: " You shall have the 
same rights of ingress & egress to these ports as our own vessels, & as you 
have to the Atlantic ports of Brazil" & the rights of Brazil would so be- 
come the rights of the world that Rosas could not long withstand them. 
Much more was said, but the end was a good understanding between us. . . . 
With the highest possible regard [etc.]. 



DOCUMENT 587: JANUARY II, 1846 315 

587 

Henry A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 38 Rio DE JANEIRO, January n, 1846. 

SIR: I hasten to forward to you the inclosed dispatch from Mr. Hopkins, 2 
which, through the courtesy of the Imp! Gov*, reached me on the 9* h inst. 
It was sent to me open, for my perusal ; & I find it & the accompanying docu- 
ments from the Gov* of Paraguay so full that I have nothing to add upon 
the general question whether that Republic is in the condition to be recog- 
nized as an independent nation. The only obstacle I see to the recognition 
is the treaty with Corrientes & the war now declared ag* Rosas; but the latter 
may possibly be arrested, & you will see that M r Hopkins, under his instruc- 
tions, has fully committed the President on the subject of the recognition, 
& has tendered the good offices of the U. S. in mediation with the Argentine 
Gov*. So far as M r Hopkins alludes to my having written to the Dep- 
"some time since for general powers to proceed to the River Plate/' he has 
done so entirely on his own motion & without seeming to understand pre- 
cisely the object or purpose of the suggestion which I ventured to make more 
than twelve months ago. I do not seek any such general powers nor for any 
object whatever, though if the Pres* should see fit to entrust me with any 
powers in relation to the settlements which ought to be made of the affairs 
of S. E. S. America, I will cheerfully exert the best faculties with which I 
am endowed to execute them to his satisfaction & to the honor & interest 
of our Country. 

Mr. Hopkins has resolved to remain in Paraguay until he receives advices 
from me. I think it highly important for us to have an agent at Assumption, 
at -this moment of the approach of the expedition of the Armed Intervention 
of England & France, & shall advise him to remain & await your orders. 
The Brazilian Gov*, now fully informed of and highly pleased at his agency, 
has kindly offered to inclose & forward all my communications to him; &, 
indeed, there is no other way of communicating with him. M r L. de Abreu 
starts despatches for Paraguay on Tuesday mg. next, & I shall by that 
opportunity write to M r Hopkins. 

I will immediately write to M r Brent to use his influence with -Rosas to 
prevent any invasion of Paraguay, & to obtain, if possible, from him some 
pledge or guarantee to that effect, & to urge upon him the policy of our 
recognizing Paraguay & neutralizing her formidable powers. Com: Rous-. 
seau will sail for the River in a few days, & it is a great pity that he has not 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 15. 

2 Not filed with Wise's despatch. It was presumably addressed to the Secretary of State 
rather than to Wise; and, if so, is probably among Hopkins's despatches below, in the volume 
and part containing Communications from Paraguay. 



316 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

a small steamer to ascend the Parana & some sort of diplomatic power to 
intercede between the Argentine on the one hand & the Banda Oriental & 
Paraguay on the other. Unless Paraguay be actually invaded, I think Pres* 
Lopez will delay as long as possible any expedition ag* Rosas. . . - 1 

Mr. Consul Hamilton has sent me the latest news, Dec r 17*?, ? from the 
River. I enclose a rough copy of a letter which he sent me from one of 
the engineers of the steamer " Firebrand" to his friend in M. Video giving 
the English ace- of the battle of Obligado on the Parana. I inclose also 
several papers containing the plan of that battle & the B. Ayrean account of 
it. The English & French, by last accounts, had just passed a place up the 
River called Rozario. M r Hamilton says to me: "The blockade of B. Ayres 
is strictly enforced, & I fear it is going to be a very tedious & complicated 
affair, the more I read & study your valuable doc- to Gen! Guido, the more do 
I become convinced of the correctness of your views in regard to the River 
Plate question." After lamenting the armed Intervention & a prolonged 
interruption of commerce, he adds: "Bolivia is said to be much opposed to 
this armed intervention, & I should not be surprised if she supplies Rosas 
with troops, if required." . . . "The Englishmen here publicly say that 
there must be a provisional Gov*, that is an English gov 1 ., until the country 
becomes permanently settled. I assure you, my dear Sir, that I am becom- 
ing alarmed, but on the other hand can England & France be so base &c. 
&c." Thus you can begin to see, Sir, the "end of the beginning" of this 
armed intervention, & no one can tell when we shall see the "beginning of 
the end" of it 

With the highest personal regard [etc.]. 



588 

Caspar Jose de Lisboa, Brazilian Minister to the United States, to James 
Bttchanan, Secretary of State of the United States * 

[TRANSLATION] 

WASHINGTON, February 16, 1846. 

Paraguay, a vast and rich country in South America, surrounded by great 
rivers, joining the Empire of Brazil on the North and East, the Argentine 
Confederacy on the east and South, and the Republic of Bolivia and Grand- 
Chaco on the west, was one of the first countries in that Continent, to declare 
its independence of the authority of its Spanish possessors. 

Since the year 1811, Paraguay has always had a regular and independent 

* The omitted portion relates chiefly to funds for Mr. Hopkins. 

2 Hamilton's letter is not included in this publication, since it is reviewed in Wise's des- 
patch. * Notes from Brazil, vol. 2. 



DOCUMENT 588: FEBRUARY l6, 1846 317 

Government, which has maintained order and tranquillity in the interior of 
the country, and has at the same time made itself respected by neighbouring 
States. 

Having a soil fertile and abounding in productions of various sorts, and 
a population of more than five hundred thousand souls, Paraguay keeps up 
a disciplined army of five thousand soldiers, besides ten thousand militia 
men; its finances are in a good condition, and it navigates with its own 
vessels, the great rivers surrounding it. 

Brazil, as its nearest neighbour, and as appreciating the admirable circum- 
stances connected with this interesting country, hastened to recognize its 
political existence formally; and it has ever since 1824 cultivated relations of 
amity and good understanding with Paraguay, through the medium of 
agents, duly accredited near the Government of that country. 

Recently, the people of Paraguay, having adopted political institutions 
more conformable with the enlightenment of this age, has thought proper, 
at the same time, to ratify the primitive act of its independence, by solemnly 
declaring its desire to continue to be governed as a free and sovereign na- 
tion; and the Imperial Government of Brazil, which has been officially 
informed of the fact, immediately ordered its Charge d'Affaires, residing at 
Assumption [Asunc56n], to give its formal adhesion thereto. 

The actual Government of Paraguay, being most desirous to enter into 
relations of amity and good understanding with the other nations of the 
civilized world, and having as yet no agents duly accredited to their respec- 
tive Governments, has addressed itself to the Court of Brazil, with the ob- 
ject of soliciting the Governments of the other nations to recognize its 
political independance formally. The Imperial Government intimately 
convinced of the justice and propriety of this claim on the part of Paraguay, 
and always disposed to do whatsoever may contribute to the happiness and 
prosperity of the new States of the American Continent, has not hesitated to 
send, to the Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten- 
tiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Brazil near the United States, its in- 
structions, authorizing him to take the necessary measures with respect to 
the Government at Washington, for this purpose. 

The Undersigned has therefore the honour to address the Honourable 
James Buchanan Secretary of State, in order to request his attention to the 
subject of the present note; and he at the same time prays him to submit it 
to the notice of the President, and to inform His Excellency, that the act of 
the acknowledgement of the independence and Sovereignty of the Republic 
of Paraguay, by the United States, will be considered by the Imperial Court 
of Brazil, as an evidence of good will on the part of the North American 
Union, towards the new States of South America. 

The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion, [etc.]. 



31 8 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

589 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States ! 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 39 Rio DE JANEIRO, February 18, 1846. 

SIR: In my last despatches I endeavored to keep you advised of the affairs 
of Paraguay. Continuing these advices, it is my duty now to inform you of 
most important events which have lately transpired, in respect to our own 
relations with that Republic. As soon as I was informed of the mediation 
of the U. States tendered by M- Hopkins and accepted by Pres* Lopez, I 
wrote to M r Brent, as I told you I would in my despatch N 9 38. 2 The en- 
closed is a copy marked "A." 3 

On the 12 th of Jan y last I wrote also to M ? Hopkins. I expressed the 
hope to him that he had not gone further, on the point of mediation, than 
to offer merely the good offices of the U. States, whose settled policy never 
allowed them to involve themselves by any guarantees, or otherwise in 
the affairs of other nations. I was afraid that his tender of mediation, 
after knowing of the treaty with Corientes [Corrientes], and the war with the 
Argentine, would not be approved; but I was sure that the President would 
approve of it, if he could only be fully and accurately informed of the affairs 
of S. America, and could be made to realize as I did the pressing exigencies 
for our immediate action within the limits of our established policy. I 
informed him, that M ? Walsh, my Secretary, would visit B. Ayres on board 
the corvette Plymouth, and that I should write to M r Brent, as I did. 
I sent M- H. also extracts of my correspondence with the Department, and 
a copy of my brief or memoranda prepared for Gen 1 . Guido, 4 which it seems, 
the Imp* Gov- had already approvingly sent to its minister at Assumption. 
This was sent to him, for the purpose of removing an impression which it 
seems had been formed in the mind of Pres- Lopez that I was charged with 
negotiations on the part of the U. States with Gen 1 Guido, the Argentine 
Minister here; and to assure him that I had attempted, on my own individual 
responsibility only, to promote the independence of Paraguay, without any 
act or authority of negotiation. I informed M- H. that, not long after he 
left Rio de Janeiro, it became known here that he was an agent of the U. 
States sent to Paraguay. That as soon as I was aware of this, which came 
to this place from Rio Grande do Sul, I had made a virtue of necessity, and 
in an interview with Snr. Limpo de Abreu, had disclosed to him in person the 
fact & general character of his agency. That I had expressed the wish to 
the Minister for F. Affairs of the Imp! Gov- that our Gov* 8 and their agents 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 15. 2 Of January 11, 1846, above, this part, doc. 588. 
^Not included here since it has been included with Brent's despatch from Argentina with 
which he sent a copy; see above, vol. I, pt. n, doc. 160, note I, p. 319. 
4 See above, this part, doc. 579, note 2. 



DOCUMENT 589: FEBRUARY 1 8, 1846 319 

should understand each other fully & endeavor to co-operate cordially in 
the design of promoting peace between the South American States now at 
war, and of preserving neutrality among those already in peace. That the 
U. States sought only commercial equality, no exclusive advantages, & would 
exert themselves to prevent England & France, or any other power from 
obtaining by arms, or otherwise, any monopoly or undue advantage or 
influence in the adjustment of the political or commercial relations of this 
continent. That the Minister had expressed sympathy with these senti- 
ments, and would, no doubt, instruct the Brazilian Minister at Assumption 
to cultivate the best understanding with our agent there. I advised M- H. 
whilst dealing frankly & in good faith, in his conferences with the Brazilian 
Minister, to obtain all the genuine information he could from him, and to 
make the best use of it. That, I trusted, separately and in concert with 
him, he would prevail on Pres* Lopez to postpone active warlike operations 
against Rosas as long as possible. That the preparations of Paraguay might 
awaken Rosas to a sense of his danger, & to the policy of acknowledging the 
Independence of that Republic without the loss of a drop of blood or the cost 
of a dollar. That peace was the policy of Paraguay, and war on her part 
might delay her recognition by the U. States for years. To press this 
urgently, and by all means to prevent Paraguay from falling into the snare 
of an alliance with England & France, even though they should offer to 
acknowledge & guarrantee her independence. That they would not do so 
except for a quid pro quo in the form of advantages in trade, which would 
make it so bad a bargain for her that the Republic had much better rely on 
her own resources against Rosas, than to "fly to other ills she knew not of." 
Better run the slight risk of conquest by the Argentines, weaker than herself 
and now beset by internal & external foes, enough, without her aid, than to 
become the colonial-like dependant of European or any other Powers. That 
the example of European guarrantees, real or pretended, in the affairs of the 
Banda Oriental and Buenos Ayres, was before our eyes. These were now 
no better than conquered provinces of England & France. Not to let Para- 
guay be involved in any such guarrantees, but to prevail on her to avoid them 
with the utmost circumspection & jealousy. Her independence was sure 
without any guarrantees, and by reposing merely on her arms, Neutrality 
& time would do all for her. At the same time she should be prepared for 
the worst. Such were my advices to Mr Brent and to M- Hopkins, when: 
lol the latter gentleman arrived here on the Q^ inst, with a letter to me from Pres* 
Lopez. The reason of this M r Hopkins' letter herein to you, left open with 
me, President Lopez' letter to me of which the inclosed marked "B" is a 
copy and my letters to M- Hopkins 1 and to Comd r . e Rousseau, 2 of which are 

i The letter to Wise from President Lopez, dated December 28, 1845, was quoted in Wise's 
letter to Hopkins, of February u, 1846, for both of which, see above, vol. i, pt. n, doc. 164, 
note i, p. 330; copies were sent to the Department by Brent, the charge d'affaires at Buenos 
Aires. 2 The letter to Commodore Rousseau is not included in this publication. 



320 PART IV : COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

inclosed copies marked "C" & "D," will explain. The very hour of my 
meeting M r H. at my house I found a note from Snr Limpo de Abreu ur- 
gently requesting a conference with rne at the hour of ten A. M. the 10^ 
inst. I availed myself of this appointment to introduce M r Hopkins & to 
discuss the affairs of Paraguay. Suffice it to say that I found the policy of 
Brazil perfectly in accordance with that of the U. States, & the results of my 
interview were such as are described in my letter "C" to M r Hopkins. 
Comd r . e Rousseau sailed on the I2* h inst, with both the Columbia & the 
Saratoga, & M r Hopkins took passage on board of the latter, bearing a letter 
of special recommendation from the Minister for Foreign Affairs here to the 
Legation of the Imp! Gov* at M'Video and to its Consulate at B. Ayres. 

In recommending M ? Hopkins to pursue the course he has, and in the steps 
which I myself have taken in the important matter of his agency, I have 
followed the suggestions of my calmest judgment and of my best reflections. 
My motive has been the patriotic one only of doing the best I could for my 
country, without compromitting her honor, or peace, or policy in the least 
degree. I have endeavoured to guard M ? H. at all points, by giving him in 
limine my own views & by referring him to the sager counsels of M F Brent & 
Comd r . e Rousseau. And if we have all gone too far in assuming the responsi- 
bility of M' Hopkins' going to B. Ayres as a bearer to M ? Brent of the media- 
tion of the U. States, between Gen 1 . Rosas & Paraguay; it must be remem- 
bered that he was duly authorized to tender that mediation ; that it has been 
accepted in a manner the most flattering and promising, the best fruits to 
the U. S. that no mode was pointed out in his intructions or mine as to the 
execution of the mediation in case it was accepted ; that we were at too great 
a distance from our Gov* to submit the timely execution to its discretion; 
& that no time was to be lost, as the influences of the monopolizing policy 
of Gt Britain & France were already at the Court of Assumption, & as the 
armies of Paraguay & of Paz were in motion towards the invasion of the Ar- 
gentine territory. I have tried my best, in a word, to do for the best: no 
evil at all events can result from what has been done, much good may, & 
will, I believe come out of it; & I confidently trust that my action & that of 
M ? Hopkins will be approved. If it prove successful, I am sure it will be 
commended. 

. . . M Walsh wrote to me from M. Video under date of Jan? 27* h . He 
describes the defeat of a detachment of Monte Videans by Oribe's troops near 
" Maldonado." " Oribe is in statu quo, not before the war, but before the city, 
and no effort will be made to drive him away until the arrival of the troops 
which are expected from France & England." The Brazilian charge^ upon 
whom I called with the Despatches of the Depart* of F. Affairs, assured me 
that the city was in reality a mere English dependence & he seemed to think 
that in a short time it would be openly so declared. I have seen M* Ousely 
who was extremely civil and talked a great deal about affairs in this quarter 



DOCUMENT 590: MARCH 6, 1846 321 

& apparently with great frankeness. He condemned the mode in which he 
says he has been obliged to act, stating that as soon as the allied Gov*. 8 had 
determined upon hostile measures, they should have sent out an adequate 
force immediately & finished the business without delay. He broached the 
subject of his conversation with you at Rio; said that he had heard of your 
dissatisfaction with his conduct, & was glad of the opportunity of explaining 
it. That when he was at Rio his instructions were precisely such as he had 
told you they were entirely peaceful but that on the arrival of Baron 
Deffaudis, he had been directed to cooperate with him as he has been doing. 
He is of opinion that the change of Ministry in England will cause the war 
here to be prosecuted with additional vigor. Lord Palmerston being a 
decidedly belligerent statesman; & mentioned his expectation of the speedy 
arrival of a considerable armament. "The question of the bonds" (the 
bonds required of American vessels) "appears to have been settled as it 
should be there is no difficulty about it at present." . . . 
I have the honor [etc.]. 



590 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States * 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 41 Rio DE JANEIRO, March 6, 1846. 

SIR: ... On the Qth of Feb? the Min: of F. Affairs requested a confer- 
ence with me. Its object was to obtain my opinion on the question of pass- 
ports to GenJ Riveira, which was to be submitted to the cabinet that day. 
I gave my opinion confidentially, such as you see written in a hurry & in 
brief. 2 The correspondence 3 followed which I inclose. Gen! Guido I have 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 15. 

2 The enclosure, referred to, follows: 

February 10, 1846. 

Uraguay [sic] requests the Imperial Government to grant passports to Gen? Rivera 
within its limits and to depart therefrom. 

Query: Would the grant of this passport violate the strict neutrality of Brazil in the 
war between Uraguay and the Argentine? 

My opinion is that when General Rivera fled to Brazil, he became in her dominion 
a mere private individual, entitled to all the protection of Brazil belonging to any other 
private foreigner. As such, he was entitled to passports through the Brazilian territories 
and to leave them; and it pertained to the sovereignty of Brazil, independently of all 
other powers, to grant him passports without violation of any obligation neutral or 
otherwise, to other nations. 

The Uraguay asks for passports also for him as Minister Plenipotentiary of that 
Republic to Paraguay. They also, in my opinion, may be granted, extending so far 
at least as to protect within tne Brazilian territory, and in leaving it, but not beyond that 
territory, without violating any obligation of neutrality. 

3 Not included in this publication; it is between Wise, Guido the Argentine minister, 
and the Brazilian Foreign Minister. In it, Guido argues against granting a passport to 
Rivera; Wise argues in favor; and the Brazilian Foreign Minister inclines to Wise's views. 



322 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

seen since, and he takes this all in good part. His private views, in fact, 
coincide with my own, but he is afraid of the ignorance & passion of Ro- 
sas. . . . 

I have had much to do about other matters, but I have burthened you 
enough for one despatch and I have the honor [etc.]. 



591 

Henry A. Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States 1 

[EXTRACTS] 
No. 42 Rio DE JANEIRO, March 13, 184.6. 

SIR: ... I received a letter from M- Consul Hamilton dated M 'Video, 
Febr 1 8 th in which he says : ' ' M ? Edwards has been writing from the States to 
General Oribe, and several others residing at the camp of the latter, all which 
have been intercepted, as I am informed by unquestionable authority. 
And it is more than probable the contents of these letters will be published. 
. . . The letters were directed to the Buceo. My informant told me con- 
fidentially that-iie had perused them, & that, judging from the President's 
message, M r E. was deceiving both Gov r Rosas & Gen* Oribe. This is to be 
regretted, and if I can possibly prevent the publication of these letters, I shall 
do so. I am induced to believe they are in the hands of M r Ousely judging 
from the quarter I rec d the information. . . . The term of the members of 
the Senate & House of Reps, of this Republic having expired on the 14 th 
inst ; and as no new election could take place under present circumstances in 
conformity with the constitution the doors have been closed, and a " Consigo 
[Consejo?] Estado" has been appointed, & composed of some of the former 
Rep ? & other " notables" of the city of M. Video, selected by the Executive. 
Therefore, it is presumed that the affairs of the Gov* will go on as heretofore 
and that is none of the best." 

This news is but an indication that the way is being daily prepared for the 

A refugee from a neighboring power at war with another neighboring power, should 
not be permitted ingress & egress with arms in hand, or to levy war in any form within 
a neutral territory. But a refugee entering a neutral territory without arms, & doing no 
hostile act within it against a neighboring power, and proposing to leave or depart in a 
peaceful attitude and without arms, ought to be permitted to do so. 

No nation at war has the right to demand of a neutral power to hold as prisoners 
within its territory those who may fly to it. 

To hold the peaceful refugees from one nation at war with another is rather a violation 
of neutrality than the act of permitting them peacefully to depart. 

Such are the principles of the United States as I understand them; and such as they 
endeavoured to carry out in the recent cases of wars on their borders both in Mexico 
and Canada. ... 

i Despatches, Brazil, vol. 15. 



DOCUMENT 591 : MARCH 13, 1846 323 

result aimed at by G* Britain in the step of the armed intervention. The 
next point or two attained & she will declare M. Video under a provisional 
Gov* protected by her arms the finale, who can fail to see? Indeed, yester- 
day, Gen! Guido wrote me a note, in which he says that his news from France 
is that the French Cabinet begin to perceive the policy of G* Britain, and 
that the large French force intended for the River Plate has been counter- 
manded & Baron Deffaudis has been instructed to make terms with Gen! 
Oribe. M Hamilton says that the Baron "has gone to Entre Rios in one of 
the steamers, his object unknown." You may rely upon it, Sir, that this 
armed intervention will prove dangerous, if not disastrous in the end to our 
Commerce in S. America. I was rejoiced to hear the declaration from M r 
Calhoun in the Senate that it was an outrage upon every principle of interna- 
tional law & right. I am not for interfering between Rosas & the Uruguay, 
but, for the very same reasons, I opposed the interference the armed inter- 
vention in their affairs by European powers. 

M ? Walsh, under date of Feb y xo*. 11 writes to me from Buenos Ayres: . . . 
" I found M* Brent in excellent case. B. Ayres good air & excitement have 
given him a new lease of life. I delivered your despatch & had a long talk 
with him at once upon the subject of Paraguay. He said he had already 
brought it to the notice of Rosas; & he promised to urge it strenuously as 
possible. He has since had conferences with Arana and the Governor, in 
which he communicated the contents of your letter; but as yet has obtained 
no satisfactory reply. The answer of Rosas was that the Paraguay question 
is one of life & death to this country, & he cannot act until after maturest 
deliberation. His great difficulty is not so much the recognition of inde- 
pendence, as the free navigation of the River, which will be the result. The 
hatred & fear which he feels for the English will make it a hard matter, I 
apprehend, to induce him to do anything by which they may lawfully benefit. 
He goes upon the perish credit, perish commerce, perish everything system, 
rather than grant any privileges, direct or indirect, to Jn 9 Bull, Believing 
also in his star flattering himself that he will emerge triumphantly from the 
present as he has done from all previous perils: intoxicated with vanity & 
success it is almost impossible to make him understand that any com- 
bination of evils can overwhelm him. The great object of his ambition is 
victory, much more than safety. I feel pretty confident, therefore, that he 
will not act in the matter until he loses every glimmer of hope especially 
until the denouement of Urquiza's operations in Corientes [Corrientes]. 
Should Paz be defeated there: and we had intelligence the other day that 
his vanguard had already been routed not a jot will be bated; but if Ur- 
quiza is overcome, the eyes of the Gov* may be somewhat opened to the 
possibility of destruction. It is to be hoped that the Campaign will be short 
and decisive in order that its influence may be felt before it is too late to save 
Paraguay from the embraces of England. The expedition has got far on its 



324 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

way a few leagues only below the place where it is to meet Paz & will soon 
be able to communicate with the Paraguayans. An attack was made upon 
it at St Lorenzo by a masked battery, commanded by Gen 1 Mansiglia 
[Mansilla] who writes that he avenged himself for the wound which he 
received at the Obligado, by killing a reasonable number, doing con- 
siderable injury to the Steamer Gorgon, and almost destroying a host of 
merchantmen. ..." 

The opening of the river is a perfect bugbear to Rosas. . . . Commerce, 
bringing healing, civilization & prosperity on its wings, he regards as a hostile 
invasion as if it were to be carried on by ships of war bristling with "instru- 
ments of missive ruin/' & loaded not only with articles of traffic to supply the 
wants of the inhabitant, but with cargoes of armed men to take possession of 
the land. . . . One almost instantaneous effect of the free navigation of the 
River he feels in his bones, if he does not clearly perceive it, & that is : the 
removal of an evil which I am inclined to regard as a main support of his 
power & a principal cause of the dissensions & sufferings of the country. I 
allude to the pernicious preponderance of the Province of B. Ayres over the 
other provinces of this " lucus a non lucendo," this soi-disant republic. By a 
deplorable want of sagacity & foresight the arrangements of the confederation 
make the city of B. Ayres the only point of entry, & confer upon the Gov ? of 
the Province (although he is elected only by the people of the province & is 
uncontrolled by any general Congress, the only legislative Assemblies being 
the provincial ones) the management of the foreign relations. B. Ayres is 
thus literally & effectively the Empire State & may be said to have full 
possession of both the purse & the sword. The revenue is all collected in the 
city & the importations are thence taken to the other provinces, where they 
are made to pay any additional duties it may be expedient to impose ; & the 
Legislature assembled in the city makes peace or war at discretion. It was 
against this preposterous & pestilent state of things that the Unitarians took 
up arms, for the purpose of rendering every province completely independ- 
ent, without any bond of union, the evil of which would have been almost as 
great as that sought to be removed. The panacea will be the free navigation 
of the river, rendering new ports of entry indispensable & bringing the various 
provinces into contact with foreign intelligence & benefits, Rosas says truly 
that this is an affair of life and death but it is of life to the country and 
death to himself; and as there is not much reason to believe that he prefers 
the former to the latter, there is not much hope that he will voluntarily do 
what is wanted & what patriotism would demand. 

The city just now is perfectly tranquil & seems to care very little for the 
blockade, which, in fact, is injurious only to the foreigners for whose advan- 
tage, in part, it was ostensibly undertaken. . . ." 

I have the honor [etc.]. 



DOCUMENT 592: APRIL 14, 1846 325 

592 

Henry A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil, to James Buchanan, Secretary 
of State of the United States l 

[EXTRACT] 
No. 43 Rio DE JANEIRO, April 14, 1846. 

SIR: . . . Accompanying this are copies of M- Brent's account of the 
mediation of the U. States in the war between the Argentine Republic & 
Paraguay. 2 It is by no means gratifying, and I regard the mediation as 

1 Despatches, Brazil, vol. 15. 

2 Brent's account, in his letter to Wise, follows: 

William Brent, Jr., United States Charged' Affaires at Buenos Aires, to Henry 
A . Wise, United States Minister to Brazil 

BUENOS AIRES, March 19, 1846. 

SIR: It is only in my power to write you a hasty letter, in relation to the affairs of 
Paraguay and Buenos Ayres. 

On the 14 th of Jan y last, I received from Montevideo a copy of the " Tratado de Alianza 
ofensiva, y defensiva contra el Gobernador de Buenos Ayres, " by the Gov ta of Para- 
guay, Corrientes, conjointly with Gen! Paz as " Director de la Guerra y General en Chef 
de operaciones, compuesto de Argentines de differentes Provincias del Rio de la Plata." 

I immediately communicated it to the Argentine Gov*, to the Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, & to Governor Rosas himself. I explained to both my great fears lest the 
British & French then going up the Parana in their steamers would open a communica- 
tion & form a Treaty with Paraguay. That the object of this extraordinary expedition 
up the River (there was every reason to believe,) was connected with a great plan more 
particularly by Great Britain to get possession of the finest country in the world for 
cotton, and thus ultimately to free herself from her dependence on the U. States in this 
vital particular, and to make a lodgment in the very heart of the countries of the La 
Plata, now easily accessible by steam, thus produce disaffection among the different 
Provinces of the Argentine Confederation, & thus destroy the hope, in which all Lovers 
of American Liberty fondly indulged that sooner or later the countries of the La Plata 
would follow the footsteps of that beautiful career set them by the U. States of particular 
Gov* 8 for the internal affairs of each province, with a General Gov* for the union of all 
against foreign intrigue & attack. 

I found that the Argentine Government considered this a most important subject, 
calling it a question of life & death. 

I asked if the offices of friendly mediation by the U. States in this case would be 
agreeable. This the Minister said would be desirable such was the state of things, 
when your Secretary of Legation, M? Walsh arrived with your letter to me of the 12 th 
Jan^ [Vol. I, pt. n, doc. 160, note I. Ed.] 

M? Walsh reached this on the 30 th Jan y and on the next day I presented to the Argen- 
tine Gov* the letter marked A offering the mediation of the U. States. [For his note 
offering mediation, see above, vol. I, pt. n, doc. 160, dated January 31, 184.6; also the 
acceptance, doc. 163, dated February 26, 1846. Ed.] 

On the 26 th of Feb y they accepted it, as seen by their letter of that date marked B. 
herewith sent: and on the 27*^ Feb y , the day after, an order was issued by the Argen- 
tine Gov* to General Urquiza (marked C.) by which he is ordered not to invade Para- 
guay under any consideration. [Vol. I, pt. n, doc. 163, note I, p. 328. Ed.] 

On the 27 th Feb y M r Hopkins, the Special agent of the U. States, arrived here at night 
bringing your letter to him of i I th Feb y last, to which was annexed the copy of a letter 
from Carlos Antonio Lopez, President of Paraguay. [See above, this part, doc. 589, 
note i, p. 319. Ed.] 

On the next day, the 28*. h , I introduced him to the Minister of Foreign Affairs; 
your letter & Gen! Lopez's were, presented and left by M* H. for the Minister to take 
a copy. 

It was only on the night of the i6 th March that I received the Propositions of this 



326 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

Footnote 2, page 325 Continued 

Gov* on this subject. They have not yet been translated, & I can therefore say noth- 
ing about them, as I do not trust myself when it is important to be exact. 

On Saturday the night of the 14 th of March M r Hopkins & myself had a meeting 
with the Minister when we made a request for a certain written promise, as set out in my 
letter to the Argentine Gov* on the 16* [Above, vol. i, pt. n. doc. 169. Ed.] 

This request was complied with, as will be seen by the letter of the Gov* to me on the 
same day. This, marked D, contains the promise requested. [It follows in this note. 

TJ 1 1 

On the same day Seiior Arana sent me a letter containing the bases of this Gov* for 
an arrangement of the pending differences. [Below, this note. Ed.] This then puts 
the mediation in possession of the bases of Paraguay & Buenos Ayres. 

It was only on this morning, 19 th March since writing the above that I received a 
translation I send without keeping a copy. I had already had one translator engaged in 
making out a very lengthy document from this Gov*, which is not yet done, in reference 
to the view of the Argentine Gov*. And on yesterday I employed another translator 
who this morning furnished me with the letter of the 1 6 th . -On yesterday I passed a 
letter to Comd re Rousseau, produced by a Conference with M? Hopkins: marked F, of 
this I sent a copy to M? Hopkins & received his reply of these I shall send by this 
conveyance copies if practicable. [Not included. Ed.] 

The mediation is thus in possession of the bases of the two Gov*?. 

And strange to say, just at this point & conjuncture M' Hopkins can remain no longer. 
The order to Gen 1 Urquiza from this Gov* not to invade the Territory of Paraguay was 
issued on the 27 th Feb^ & it seems by your letter of i I th Jan y , by M r Walsh, that Para- 
guay agreed to wait four months from I st Jan^, before sending troops. By your letter 
of II th Feb y , by M r Hopkins, it appears that 10.000 men had already been sent to Gen 1 
Paz in Corrientes. 

I send copies of some letters from Gen 1 Paz, taken in the baggage of the Governor of 
Corrientes, who commanded the vanguard of Paz see Gazette marked C. I have no 
time to make any comments. All I can say for the present is, that I shall set about 
examining the papers sent me by M r Hopkins, which he tells me contain the reasons for 
the views of Paraguay, and I shall also examine the papers presented by the Argentine 
Gov*. As mediator I do not feel justified in proceeding without such examination. 

I had at one time hoped that with the cooperation of M r Hopkins some thing might 
be done to produce beneficial results. But when we know that Paraguay has already 
sent on 10,000 men, when Pres* Lopez declares that he has the "assistance of great & 
powerful nation." (see his proclamation dated at Assumption Dec r 7 th 1845.) 

When M r Hopkins tells me that he has seen a letter from the English Capt Hotham, 
who is now up the Parana, to Gov n Lopez, & when I have strong reason to believe that 
Hotham has furnished Gen 1 Paz with arms; & when M r Hopkins states that Paraguay 
has already appointed (his name I have forgotten) Charge d'affaires to the town of 
Monte Video: all these circumstances are completely in harmony with what we know 
respecting the long settled, universal policy of G* Britain, in all the countries she has 
divided & bribed & conquered. I am afraid that Paraguay was in the embraces of 
Great Britain when M r Hopkins left. 

I have forborne to make comments, time only allowing me to send you the main facts, 
With the blessing of God I shall persevere & do my best to find some middle ground for 
the mediation. 

I am, dear Sir, [etc.]. 

Felipe Arana, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Argentina, to William Brent, 
Jr., United States Charge d 1 Affaires at Buenos Aires 

BUENOS AIRES, March 16, 1846. 

The undersigned has informed His Excellency the Governor of the esteemed note of 
His Lordship dated today, in which, recalling the order of this Government dispatched 
to His Excellency the G-overnor and Captain General of the Province of Entre Rios, 
General in Chief of the Army of operations against the Ruthless Unitarians in Corrientes, 
Don Justo Jose de Urquiza, dated February 27 last, directing him not to invade the 
territory of Paraguay for any reason whatsoever, should the arms of the Argentine 
Confederation under his command take him to that point; and the explanations had in 
the conference held with His Lordship last Saturday at the home of the undersigned, 
at which Mr. Edward A. Hopkins was present, he requests that this Government 



DOCUMENT 592: APRIL 14, 1846 327 

Footnote 2, page 325 Continued 

modify that assurance in the terms which he proposes; and that copies thereof be sent to 
His Lordship and the said Mr. Hopkins for the purpose he states. 

His Excellency the Governor has directed the undersigned to express to His Lord- 
ship, in acknowledging the receipt of the note, the extreme pleasure with which His 
Excellency seizes this opportunity offered him by His Lordship to prove unequivocally 
the peaceful and friendly sentiments which animate the Government of the Argentine 
Confederation toward that of Paraguay. 

With this thought in mind, and in compliance with the estimable desires of His 
Lordship, the undersigned by order of His Excellency explicitly declares to His Lordship 
that if "the Government of Paraguay immediately withdraws to its own territory the 
troops with which it has invaded the Province of Corrientes, those of the Argentine 
Confederation will not attack them within the territory of Paraguay; the withdrawal of 
the Paraguayan troops to be effected the moment the Government of Paraguay receives 
the notice of the mediation offered by the United States and accepted by this Govern- 
ment, it being understood that the Government of Paraguay may maintain its forces 
within its territory during the mediation thus accepted by the Governments of Buenos 
Ayres and Paraguay." 

The undersigned also has the honor to send herewith to His Lordship two certified 
copies of this reply. [See below. Ed]. 

God preserve His Lordship many years. 

Felipe Arana, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Argentina, to William Brent, 
Jr., United States ChargS d' Affaires at Buenos Aires 
[TRANSLATION] 

BUENOS AIRES, March 16, 1846. 

The undersigned by order of H. E. the Governor has the honor to reply to your note 
dated this day [Above, vol. I, pt. n, doc. 169. Ed.] r in which you recall to mind the 
contents of a letter of the E. Extra y & Min r Plenipo y of the U. S. at the court of Brazil, 
M p Wise, to M r Edward Hopkins, to which was added another of M r Lopez of Paraguay, 
which you & the said M r Hopkins presented in copies to the Undg d confidentially. 
Reminding also the account made by M r Lopez of the difficulties which unfortunately 
exist between the Gov ts of the Argen 6 Confed tion & that of Paraguay, & the bases which 
he proposes for the settlement of said difficulties, & expressing your desire that they 
may [be ?] considered as the first offered by Paraguay in the affair of the mediation, & con- 
clude by solliciting that this Gov* will furnish him such offers as on its part it may con- 
sider proper to make for the settlement of the difficulties pending between the two 
Gov ta , 

As regards that the bases contained in the copy of the letter of the Gov* of Paraguay 
should be considered as the first bases offered by it for the settlement of the existing 
differences, with that of the Argentine Confed n , the undersigned, by order of H. E. 
the Gov r , reminds you that the letter of M r Wise, & the copy of that of M r Lopez, which 
was annexed, were presented confidentially, with the sole object that H. E. the Gov r & 
the undersigned should have a private & particular knowledge of them Under such 
belief, why do they figure officially, as the first bases offered by Paraguay, those con- 
tained in the note of M r Lopez. [, ?] H. E. the Governor desires, should be presented 
officially by you, in the character of mediator, which you hold on the part of the Gov* 
of the U. States, & under which character you have been admitted by this Gov\ 

Not withstanding H. E. desirous of adding a new proof, in addition to those which he 
has already given of his pacific & benevolent sentiments towards the Gov* of Paraguay, 
& of the high esteem which the high mediation of the Gov* of the U. S., has ordered the 
undersigned to present to you the bases of this Gov*, conducive to an equitable & honor- 
able arrangement of the pending differences with that province. 

I- The Govt of the Argentine Conf n recognizes the Independence of the Province 
of Paraguay in all that concerns & management & internal administration, in the same 
way as the Argentine Confederated Provinces are, that of Paraguay remaining adhered 
to the Confederation in the form & terms established in the fundamental compact of the 
fourth of January 1831, subject to the duties which said Provinces have imposed on it & 
with a right to the priviledges which have been reserved to in the same, (compact) [sic] 

2 dl . y The Govt of the Argentine Conf n , as soon as the Province of Paraguay unites 
itself to it, recognizes in the inhabitants of Paraguay the freeness & security of entering 
& passing with their vessels & cargoes in all the Ports, Rivers, & territories of each one 
of the Provinces of the Confederation, exercising in them their industria, with the same 



328 PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 

having failed. The truth is that Rosas is inexorable from the vain conceit 
that he is irresistible & invincible. The true state of Paraguay, and of things 
at B. Ayres, you will get the best idea of, I think, from a perusal of the in- 
closed extracts of M r Walsh's most interesting letters to me. 1 I shall simply 

Footnote 2, page 325 Continued 

freeness, justice & protection, which the natives of the Province in which they reside, be 
it permanent or accidental; & in the same stipulated terms in the eighth article of the 
treaty celebrated with the littoral Provinces on the 4 th of Jan y 1831. 

3* The Govt of the Arg. Conf n recognizes the integrity of the territory of the 
Province of Paraguay. In case the immediate arrangement of the limits is not desir- 
able, & meanwhile amicably & pacifically to explain them, should respect the statu quo 
fixed in the fourth article of the Convention celebrated between the most Excellent 
Gubernatorial Juntas of Buenos Ayres & Paraguay on the II th of October 1811. On 
leaving the bases established conducive to an honorable & convenient arrangement, with 
regard to the actual differences with the Govt of the Province of Paraguay, the under- 
signed is pleased in believing that you will find them just & equitable, as founded in the 
exact meaning of the Treaties which bind both Govts, & entered into for their mutual 
convenience, security & true Independence. 

God preserve you many years. 

* The following are the pertinent portions of the extracts from Mr. Walsh's letters to Wise: 

BUENOS AIRES, February 16, 1846. 

. . . The Paraguay question has made no progress. Arana, now says that he must 
wait for certain despatches &c &c, in short every kind of excuse is sought for the pro- 
crastination. The operations of Urquiza, as I said in my last, will alone decide the 
matter. If he is defeated it is believed to be the design of the English to unite Cor- 
rientes & Entre-Rios into an independent confederation, so as to deprive Rosas of all his 
pretensions to the River. . . . 

February 23, 1846. 

MY DEAR SIR: A good deal of festive gunpowder has been exploded here within the 
last few days in consequences of news which arrived on the 19 th that Urquiza had sur- 
prised the vanguard of Paz and killed 300 men, wounded many more & taken a large 
number of prisoners, among whom is the Commander, the brother of the "intrusive" 
Governor of Corrientes. The vanguard consisted of 2000, & more than a half of them 
are said to have joined the army of Urquiza. Paz is reported to be in full retreat to 
Paraguay in great disorder. The intelligence is stated to be official & is generally be- 
lieved, as Rosas has never yet permitted rejoicings unless they were warranted. Some, 
however, still shake their heads in doubt & refuse to believe until the affidavits are filed 
in the Gazette by Urquiza himself. A rumor is current that the Commander of the 
guard was bought & allowed himself to be surprized, to which an appearance of prob- 
ability is given by the statement that he has been given his parole a piece of clemency 
not usual with those whose slogan at all times is u mueran los Salvages Unitarios." 
Three weeks ago, it is affirmed, the Govt boasted that some good news would be re- 
ceived about this time but almost at the same period we had reports of Paz having 
defeated the vanguard of Urquiza. Felix qui potuit verum cognoscere causas lucky 
the man who can get at the truth in these "diggings." The causes of things & things 
themselves are involved in such clouds of contradictions that to see through them is as 
impossible as to penetrate the dust-fogs of Pennsylvania Avenue during a spell of dry 
weather, or the like exhalations of the roads in this most "pulverous" land. Baron 
Munchausen was a fabricator of secondary magnitude to the fact-makers of the River. 
The other day, for instance, I fell in with a native of Corrientes who had returned from 
Paraguay about 8 months ago after a residence there of 12 years. He represents the 
Govt as a miserable one, the men a lazy, worthless set who throw all the labor on the 
women, & the general condition of the inhabitants such as to render them altogether 
unfit for self-government. Two thirds of them he says, are of mixed blood, their whole 
number falling much short of a million. It must be mentioned, however, that he was 
kept hi prison there for a couple of years for some political misdemeanor, so that con- 
siderable allowance should be made for his antipathies, Last ev I got into conversation 
upon the same subject with an Irish priest, a man of great intelligence, who is in 



DOCUMENT 592: APRIL 14, 1846 329 

inform President Lopez of the terms proposed by Gen! Rosas to M* Brent, 
and that the latter has informed me that he is in possession of the bases sub- 
mitted by both parties. I now apprehend that Paraguay will be seduced 

correspondence with the Jesuits whom Rosas banished some short time ago, & who are 
now in Paraguay. Their accounts describe a state of things with much more of light 
than the Corrientine gentleman's picture & much more of shade than that of our Agent. 
They found the people in a lamentable state of ignorance on their arrival, but they have 
been exerting themselves with their usual energy & success to diffuse education ; & they 
represent them as susceptible of great improvement. The material as yet is better than 
the work, but it is so good that it will soon enable the latter to do wonders. Whatever 
may be the truth, one^ thing is certain that the lower the Paraguayans are in the scale 
of civilization, the easier will it be for England to subject them to her influence & the 
more important is it to prevent a consummation so much to be deprecated. But if the 
only way to keep out the English is to obtain Rosas' recognition of the independence 
of Paraguay, there can be little doubt that John Bull will get what he wants. The 
dictator seems determined to be aut Caesar aut Mullus [Nullus ?] M r Brent showed me 
a note yesterday from Arana informing him that Gen 1 Guido had just been instructed 
to demand from Brazil the execution of that art. of the Convention of '28, by which she & 
B . Ayres are made the sole guarantees of the independence of the Banda Oriental. This 
is in pursuance of your idea in the memorandum you gave the Gen 1 , & for which M r 
Brent says the Govt here are very grateful. The letter of Lord Ponsonby kills the 
pretensions of England. 

A circumstance of domestic moment has just occurred which will oblige me to trespass 
on your kindness & prolong my stay for a couple of weeks longer than I intended. . . . 

February 28, 1846. 

MY DEAR SIR: Inclosed is a paper published this morning containing the official 
statement of the late events in Corrientes. Urquiza's success seems to be greater even 
than was supposed by the most sanguine. Paz's letters are interesting documents, 
showing, as they do, how poor are his resources & what little doubt there is that his 
opponent will be completely successful. His remarks about the Paraguayans are by no 
means complimentary. By the way, they appear to have falsified their promise to 
Hopkins not to move out of Paraguay for four months. We were not a little surprised 
yesterday by the arrival of that gentleman with the Commodore. The ultimatum 
which he brings of Prest Lopez will meet with a conflicting ultimatum of Rosas of such a 
character as offers little or no hope of an arrangement. The day before yesterday this 
Govt accepted a tender made some time ago by M r Brent of his mediation in the matter, 
stating that they would do every thing but just precisely what the Paraguayans demand 
viz recognize their independence & from this position there is less probability 
now than ever of Rosas moving an inch. The operations of Urquiza have rendered his 
assurance doubly sure, whilst the slighting way in which the Paraguay forces are spoken 
of by Paz must tend to confirm him in the opinion which he has expressed to M r Brent 
respecting the danger to be apprehended from their doings. 

We have no further news of the Expedition. It is rumored that Wright, of whose 
operations against the Anglo Gallico Italico Brasilico Yankico merchant vessels 
I gave you an account in a former letter, has been captured. Many of the prisoners 
whom he made & who, it was feared, would experience the tender mercies of the famous 
decree, have been released on the application of a Captain of a Sardinian brig-of-war. 
He made his way to the Governor's humanity through his parentalism by persuading 
Manuelita to intercede for the poor devils; & when he was asked what was the number 
of his countrymen in durance he stretched it as much as he prudently could so as to 
save others of different nations. I do not believe that the decree will be carried at all 
into effect, although Arana has written a reply of forty pages to the protest against it of 
the plenipotentiaries, in which he upholds it with pertinacity invincible. Deffaudis is 
said to have written a letter to Rosas holding him personally responsible for any unlaw- 
ful acts of violence which he may commit The unlawfulness of course to be decided 
upon by the threatner. He came up here a short time since & remained several hours 
with the blockading squadron, to the infinite edification of the quidnunces, who soon 
got up a most exciting variety of ' unquestionable facts ' as to his objects. Whatever 
they may have been, however, he was not considerate enough to communicate them 
officially, himself, to the people of the place. We have positive statements of a success 
gained over Garribaldi by an officer of Oribe, whose bulletin I inclose. 



330 



PART IV: COMMUNICATIONS FROM BRAZIL 



into a treaty & alliance with England & France. This ought, on every con- 
sideration, to have been prevented, I fear it is now too late. 

The passports by Brazil to Gen! Riveira [Rivera] have turned out pre- 
cisely as I told Gen! Guido they would. So far from their proving injurious 

March 18, 1846. 

MY DEAR SIR: When my father was in Paris during the time of Napoleon he heard a 
fishwoman one day in the street say to another lady of the same species, " tu ments comme 
un bulletin de VEmpereur" you lie like a bulletin of the Emperor.^ The phrase has 
been brought to my mind by the bulletins with which we are favored in these parts, the 
Imperial flourishes being at least rivalled by those of the republican heroes of the River. 
A short time since we got from Monte Video a grand account of Urquiza's having been 
compelled by Paz to make a precipitate retreat which became an ignominious flight, 
in the course of which he lost his baggage & horses & almost every thing but his life. 
The same day on which the news was received, I accompanied M r Brent & the Commo- 
dore on a visit to Arana, who laughed at the statement & showed us a letter from 
Urquiza, in which he informed him of his intention to make a retrograde movement in 
consequence of not being able to pasture his horses where he was & from this little 
blackbird the three great Monte- Videan crows were concocted. Unless Paz receives 
some important aid or Urquiza commits some egregious fault, there would seem to be 
little doubt of the latter J s success with a well disciplined, veteran army, flushed with 
continual triumph, opposed to a motley herd of undisciplined & almost unarmed re- 
cruits. Urquiza, too, is a native of Corrientes and thoroughly acquainted with every 
inch of the ground, & could hardly have involved himself in such difficulties as are 
described. Recent intelligence from Bolivia is of some moment. That country had 
got into a quarrel with Rosas about a connivance, real or asserted, with the ' Savage 
Unitarians', & its Minister here had been ordered home. Just,